Across four decades of political and social action, Nepal changed from a country strongly enforcing oppressive abortion restrictions, causing many poor women's long imprisonment and high rates of abortion-related maternal mortality, into a modern democracy with a liberal abortion law. The medical and public health communities supported women's rights activists in invoking legal principles of equality and non-discrimination as a basis for change. Legislative reform of the criminal ban in 2002 and the adoption of an Interim Constitution recognizing women's reproductive rights as fundamental rights in 2007 inspired the Supreme Court in 2009 to rule that denial of women's access to abortion services because of poverty violated their constitutional rights. The government must now provide services under criteria for access without charge, and services must be decentralized to promote equitable access. A strong legal foundation now exists for progress in social justice to broaden abortion access and reduce abortion stigma. Copyright © 2014 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Requero Ibáñez, José Luís
The article focuses on the different factors and circumstances that have led to the reform of Spanish Abortion Law (1985). Judicial investigations of several abortion clinics have demonstrated that up until today there has been a widespread tendency of the clinics to practice beyond the limits established by the law. Nonetheless, the reaction of the government has not been to protect the life of the unborn. Its reaction has been, however, to cover the irregularities committed by the abortionists through the legalization of their abusive practices. Besides, the reform of the law has been inspired by elements of radical feminism. The author points out the major reasons that make this reform unconstitutional and offers alternative solutions for the protection of the mother and the unborn child.
Jones, Emma L
This article examines letters sent by members of the general public to the Abortion Law Reform Association (ALRA) in the decade immediately before the 1967 Abortion Act. It shows how a voluntary organisation, in their aim of supporting a specific cause of unclear legality, called forth correspondence from those in need. In detailing the personal predicaments of those facing an unwanted pregnancy, this body of correspondence was readily deployed by ALRA in their efforts to mobilise support for abortion law reform, thus exercising a political function. A close examination of the content of the letters and the epistolary strategies adopted by their writers reveals that as much as they were a lobbying tool for changes in abortion law, these letters were discursively shaped by debates surrounding that very reform.
McGuinness, Sheelagh; Thomson, Michael
The complicated intra-professional rivalries that have contributed to the current contours of abortion law and service provision have been subject to limited academic engagement. In this article, we address this gap. We examine how the competing interests of different specialisms played out in abortion law reform from the early twentieth-century, through to the enactment of the Abortion Act 1967, and the formation of the structures of abortion provision in the early 1970s. We demonstrate how professional interests significantly shaped the landscape of abortion law in England, Scotland, and Wales. Our analysis addresses two distinct and yet related fields where professional interests were negotiated or asserted in the journey to law reform. Both debates align with earlier analysis that has linked abortion law reform with the market development of the medical profession. We argue that these two axes of debate, both dominated by professional interests, interacted to help shape law's treatment of abortion, and continue to influence the provision of abortion services today. © The Author . Published by Oxford University Press; all rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: email@example.com.
Keogh, L A; Newton, D; Bayly, C; McNamee, K; Hardiman, A; Webster, A; Bismark, M
In Victoria, Australia, abortion was decriminalised in October 2008, bringing the law in line with clinical practice and community attitudes. We describe how experts in abortion service provision perceived the intent and subsequent impact of the 2008 Victorian abortion law reform. Experts in abortion provision in Victoria were recruited for a qualitative semi-structured interview about the 2008 law reform and its perceived impact, until saturation was reached. Nineteen experts from a range of health care settings and geographic locations were interviewed in 2014/2015. Thematic analysis was conducted to summarise participants' views. Abortion law reform, while a positive event, was perceived to have changed little about the provision of abortion. The views of participants can be categorised into: (1) goals that law reform was intended to address and that have been achieved; (2) intent or hopes of law reform that have not been achieved; (3) unintended consequences; (4) coincidences; and (5) unfinished business. All agreed that law reform had repositioned abortion as a health rather than legal issue, had shifted the power in decision making from doctors to women, and had increased clarity and safety for doctors. However, all described outstanding concerns; limited public provision of surgical abortion; reduced access to abortion after 20 weeks; ongoing stigma; lack of a state-wide strategy for equitable abortion provision; and an unsustainable workforce. Law reform, while positive, has failed to address a number of significant issues in abortion service provision, and may have even resulted in a 'lull' in action. Published by the BMJ Publishing Group Limited. For permission to use (where not already granted under a licence) please go to http://www.bmj.com/company/products-services/rights-and-licensing/.
In 2002 Nepal's parliament passed a liberal abortion law, after nearly three decades of reform efforts. This paper reviews the history of the movement for reform and the combination of factors that contributed to its success. These include sustained advocacy for reform; the dissemination of knowledge, information and evidence; adoption of the reform agenda by the public sector and its leadership in involving other stakeholders; the existence of work for safe motherhood as the context in which the initiative could gain support; an active women's rights movement and support from international and multilateral organisations; sustained involvement of local NGOs, civil society and professional organisations; the involvement of journalists and the media; the absence of significant opposition; courageous government officials and an enabling democratic political system. The overriding rationale for reforming the abortion law in Nepal has been to ensure safe motherhood and women's rights. The first government abortion services officially began in March 2004 at the Maternity Hospital in Kathmandu; services will be expanded gradually to other public and private hospitals and private clinics in the coming years.
In 2008, the Victorian Parliament enacted the Abortion Law Reform Act 2008 (Vic) and amended the Crimes Act 1958 (Vic) to decriminalise terminations of pregnancy while making it a criminal offence for unqualified persons to carry out such procedures. The reform legislation has imposed a civil regulatory regime on the management of abortions, and has stipulated particular statutory duties of care for registered qualified health care practitioners who have conscientious objections to terminations of pregnancy. The background to, and the structure of, this novel statutory regime is examined, with a focus on conscientious objection clauses and liability in the tort of negligence and the tort of breach of statutory duty.
Reuterswärd, Camilla; Zetterberg, Pär; Thapar-Björkert, Suruchi; Molyneux, Maxine
This article analyses two instances of abortion law reform in Latin America. In 2006, after a decades-long impasse, the highly controversial issue of abortion came to dominate the political agenda when Colombia liberalized its abortion law and Nicaragua adopted a total ban on abortion. The article analyses the central actors in the reform processes, their strategies and the opportunity contexts. Drawing on Htun's (2003) framework, it examines why these processes concluded with opposing legislative outcomes. The authors argue for the need to understand the state as a non-unitary site of politics and policy, and for judicial processes to be seen as a key variable in facilitating gender policy reforms in Latin America. In addition, they argue that ‘windows of opportunity’ such as the timing of elections can be critically important in legislative change processes.
Wood, Susan; Abracinskas, Lilián; Correa, Sonia; Pecheny, Mario
In October 2012, a new law was approved in Uruguay that allows abortion on demand during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, 14 weeks in the case of rape, and without a time limit when the woman's health is at risk or in the case of foetal anomalies. This paper analyses this legal reform. It is based on 27 individual and group interviews with key informants, and on review of primary documents and the literature. The factors explaining the reform include: secular values in society, favourable public opinion, a persistent feminist movement, effective coalition building, particular party politics, and a vocal public health sector. The content of the new law reflects the tensions between a feminist perspective of women's rights and public health arguments that stop short of fully recognizing women's autonomy. The Uruguayan reform shows that, even in Latin America, abortion can be addressed politically without electoral cost to the parties that promote it. On the other hand, the prevailing public health rationale and conditionalities built into the law during the negotiation process resulted in a law that cannot be interpreted as a full recognition of women's rights, but rather as a modified protectionist approach that circumscribes women's autonomy. Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
In 2006, the Constitutional Court of Colombia issued Decision C-355/2006, which liberalized the country's abortion law. The reform was groundbreaking in its argumentation, being one of the first judicial decisions in the world to uphold abortion rights on equality grounds, and the first by a constitutional court to rule on the constitutionality of abortion within a human rights framework. It was also the first of a series of reforms that would liberalize the abortion regulation in four other Latin American countries. The Colombian case is also notable for the process of strategic litigation carried out by feminist organizations after the Court's decision, in order to ensure its implementation and counter the opposition from conservative actors working in State institutions, as well as for the active role played by the Court in that process. Based on fieldwork carried out in Colombia in 2013, this article analyzes the process of progressive implementation and reactionary backlash after Decision C-355/2006, with an emphasis on strategic litigation by the feminist movement and subsequent decisions by the Constitutional Court, which consolidated its jurisprudence in the field of abortion rights. It highlights the role of both feminists and of conservative activists within State institutions as opposing social movements, and the dynamics of political and legal mobilization and counter-mobilization in that process. Copyright © 2014 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Abstract The aim of this paper is to provide a panoramic view of laws and policies on abortion around the world, giving a range of country-based examples. It shows that the plethora of convoluted laws and restrictions surrounding abortion do not make any legal or public health sense. What makes abortion safe is simple and irrefutable—when it is available on the woman’s request and is universally affordable and accessible. From this perspective, few existing laws are fit for purpose. However, the road to law reform is long and difficult. In order to achieve the right to safe abortion, advocates will need to study the political, health system, legal, juridical, and socio-cultural realities surrounding existing law and policy in their countries, and decide what kind of law they want (if any). The biggest challenge is to determine what is possible to achieve, build a critical mass of support, and work together with legal experts, parliamentarians, health professionals, and women themselves to change the law—so that everyone with an unwanted pregnancy who seeks an abortion can have it, as early as possible and as late as necessary. PMID:28630538
There are important and compelling reasons why women have second trimester abortions, which constitute a significant percentage of all abortions performed. Laws vary widely around the world on the legality of these abortions. In many cases, they are quite restrictive. Indeed, the later in pregnancy an abortion is sought, the more restrictive the law tends to be. However, many laws say little about second trimester or later abortions. This article reviews the laws of the 191 countries around the world for which information is available and categorizes them by legal indications, which include preservation of the woman's life, health reasons, pregnancy due to sex offences, fetal impairment, socio-economic reasons and on request. Given that there are serious reasons why women have second trimester abortions, and that the laws in many countries do not make these abortions legally available, this paper makes recommendations on how laws and regulations can be changed in order better to respond to women's needs. While most countries may not decriminalise all abortions in the near future, especially second trimester abortions, less comprehensive legislative and regulatory reforms are possible. These include recommendations aimed at ensuring that abortions are carried out safely and as early as possible in pregnancy, and improving access to safe abortions by removing unnecessary legal and regulatory restrictions. Copyright © 2010 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Karcher, H L
The German Bundestag has passed a compromise abortion law that makes an abortion performed within the first three months of pregnancy an unlawful but unpunishable act if the woman has sought independent counseling first. Article 218 of the German penal code, which was established in 1871 under Otto von Bismarck, had allowed abortions for certain medical or ethical reasons. After the end of the first world war, the Social Democrats tried to legalize all abortions performed in the first three months of pregnancy, but failed. In 1974, abortion on demand during the first 12 weeks was declared legal and unpunishable under the social liberal coalition government of chancellor Willy Brandt; however, the same year, the German Federal Constitution Court in Karlsruhe ruled the bill was incompatible with article 2 of the constitution, which guarantees the right to life and freedom from bodily harm to everyone, including the unborn. The highest German court also ruled that a pregnant woman had to seek a second opinion from an independent doctor before undergoing an abortion. A new, extended article 218, which included a clause giving social indications, was passed by the Bundestag. When Germany was unified, East Germans agreed to be governed by all West German laws, except article 218. The Bundestag was given 2 years to revise the article; however, in 1993, the Federal Constitution Court rejected a version legalizing abortion in the first 3 months of the pregnancy if the woman sought counsel from an independent physician, and suggested the recent compromise passed by the Bundestag, the lower house of the German parliament. The upper house, the Bundesrat, where the Social Democrats are in the majority, still has to pass it. Under the bill passed by the Bundestag, national health insurance will pay for an abortion if the monthly income of the woman seeking the abortion falls under a certain limit.
Adinma, E D; Adinma, J I B; Ugboaja, J; Iwuoha, C; Akiode, A; Oji, E; Okoh, M
One in four pregnancies worldwide is voluntarily terminated. Approximately 20 million terminations are performed under unsafe conditions, mostly in developing countries with restrictive abortion laws. A total of 100 consecutive abortion-seekers were interviewed, to ascertain their knowledge and perceptions on the Nigerian Abortion Law. The majority (55.0%) of the respondents were students. Most of them (97%) had at least secondary education and the majority (62.0%) were within the 20-24 years age range. Only 31.0% of the women interviewed were aware of the Nigerian Abortion Law. While 16% perceived the law as being restrictive, 2% opined that' it was alright'; 1% perceived it as very restrictive and 12% had no opinion on the abortion law. Knowledge of the abortion law had no significant relationship with either the educational level of the respondent or the number of previous pregnancy terminations and overall demand for abortion services. It is necessary to ensure a wide dissemination of the abortion law and its provisions to the Nigerian public, in order to arm them with the necessary information to participate actively in debates on abortion law reforms.
Bergallo, Paola; Ramón Michel, Agustina
For most of the 20th Century, restrictive abortion laws were in place in continental Latin America. In recent years, reforms have caused a liberalizing shift, supported by constitutional decisions of the countries' high courts. The present article offers an overview of the turn toward more liberal rules and the resolution of abortion disputes by reference to national constitutions. For such purpose, the main legal changes of abortion laws in the last decade are first surveyed. Landmark decisions of the high courts of Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, and Mexico are then analyzed. It is shown that courts have accepted the need to balance interests and competing rights to ground less restrictive laws. In doing so, they have articulated limits to protection of fetal interests, and basic ideas of women's dignity, autonomy, and equality. The process of constitutionalization has only just begun. Constitutional judgments are not the last word, but they are important contributions in reinforcing the legality of abortion. Copyright © 2016 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Gostin, Lawrence O.
Public health law reform is necessary because existing statutes are outdated, contain multiple layers of regulation, and are inconsistent. A model law would define the mission and functions of public health agencies, provide a full range of flexible powers, specify clear criteria and procedures for activities, and provide protections for privacy and against discrimination. The law reform process provides an opportunity for public health agencies to draw attention to their resource needs and achievements and to form ties with constituency groups and enduring relations with the legislative branch of government. Ultimately, the law should become a catalyst, rather than an impediment, to reinvigorating the public health system. PMID:11527757
Gostin, L O
Public health law reform is necessary because existing statutes are outdated, contain multiple layers of regulation, and are inconsistent. A model law would define the mission and functions of public health agen cies, provide a full range of flexible powers, specify clear criteria and procedures for activities, and provide protections for privacy and against discrimination. The law reform process provides an opportunity for public health agencies to draw attention to their resource needs and achievements and to form ties with constituency groups and enduring relations with the legislative branch of government. Ultimately, the law should become a catalyst, rather than an impediment, to reinvigorating the public health system.
Cook, R J; Dickens, B M; Bliss, L E
OBJECTIVES: In 2 successive decades since 1967, legal accommodation of abortion has grown in many countries. The objective of this study was to assess whether liberalizing trends have been maintained in the last decade and whether increased protection of women's human rights has influenced legal reform. METHODS: A worldwide review was conducted of legislation and judicial rulings affecting abortion, and legal reforms were measured against governmental commitments made under international human rights treaties and at United Nations conferences. RESULTS: Since 1987, 26 jurisdictions have extended grounds for lawful abortion, and 4 countries have restricted grounds. Additional limits on access to legal abortion services include restrictions on funding of services, mandatory counseling and reflection delay requirements, third-party authorizations, and blockades of abortion clinics. CONCLUSIONS: Progressive liberalization has moved abortion laws from a focus on punishment toward concern with women's health and welfare and with their human rights. However, widespread maternal mortality and morbidity show that reform must be accompanied by accessible abortion services and improved contraceptive care and information. PMID:10191808
Beck, Christina; Berry, Nicole S; Choijil, Semjidmaa
Unsafe abortion serves as a marker of global inequity as it is concentrated in the developing world where the poorest and most vulnerable women live. While liberalisation of abortion law is essential to the reduction of unsafe abortion, a number of challenges exist beyond this important step. This paper investigates how popular health system reforms consonant with neoliberal agendas can challenge access to safe abortion. We use Mongolia, a country that has liberalised abortion law, yet, limited access to safe abortion, as a case study. Mongolia embraced market reforms in 1990 and subsequently reformed its health system. We document how common reforms in the areas of finance and regulation can compromise the safety of abortions as they foster challenges that include inconsistencies in service delivery that further foment health inequities, adoption of reproductive health programmes that are incompatible with the local sociocultural context, unregulated growth of the private sector and poor enforcement of standards and technical guidelines for safe abortion. We then discuss how this case study suggests the conversations that reproductive health policy-makers must have with those engineering health sector reform to ensure access to safe abortion in a liberalised environment.
Osborn, R W; Silkey, B
In a 1975 study of attitudes toward abortion among a stratified sample of 601 men residing in Toronto and married to women of reproductive age, non-Catholic men and men who had weak religious beliefs had significantly more permissive attitudes toward abortion than Catholic men and men who had strong religious beliefs. Each respondent received a scale score based on his acceptance of abortion under 7 different conditions. The 7 conditions were: 1) threat to maternal life; 2) pregnancy due to rape; 3) predicted birth of a mentally or physically handicapped child; 4) threat to maternal mental health; 5) unmarried mother; 6) marriage breakdown; and 7) inability to financially support the child. A high score indicated a permissive attitude toward abortion. High scores were associated with high income and educational levels, non-Catholic affiliation, weak religious beliefs, and being Canadian by birth. When religious factors were controlled, the effect of the other factors was markedly reduced. No association was observed between scale scores and the variables of age and expected family size. A majority of the men approved of abortion for 5 or more of the above listed situations. Men with high scores were more likely to use effective methods of contraception, to be married to women who had abortions, and to favor less restrictive abortion laws. Non-Catholic men and men with weaker religious beliefs were more likely to favor easing the abortion law than Catholic men and men who had strong religious beliefs. Those with higher income and educational levels within each religious group were also more likely to favor easing the law. Tables show: 1) the % distribution of respondents approving abortion by reason for the abortion; and 2) the results of the analyses using various measures of association.
A federal appeals court has affirmed lower court rulings that substantial portions of the Illinois' 1975 Abortion Act and 1977 Abortion Parental Consent Act are unconstitutional. The 7th Court adopted an April 12, 1978 district court opinion that invalidated several sections of the Illinois 1975 abortion statute, including parental and spousal consent requirements and provisions requiring that a woman be informed of the "physical competency" of the fetus at the time the abortion was to be performed. The appeals court specifically addressed the statute's provision making a liveborn fetus resulting from an abortion a ward of the state, unless the abortion was performed to save the woman's life. Regarding the 1977 Parental Consent Act, the 7th Circuit reaffirmed its August 1978 ruling that it is unconstitutional to require an unmarried minor to have the consent of both parents or, if they refused consent, a circuit court judge before undergoing an abortion. The appeals court also agreed with the lower court's November 2nd ruling that the Act's requirement of a 48-hour delay between the time the minor gives her consent and the performance of an abortion violated the equal protection clause of the 14th amendment.
After the fall of Communism in Poland, the Catholic church exerted pressure to increase its influence in public life. One way in which this pressure has manifested itself has been in the passing of a restrictive abortion bill which was signed into law on February 15, 1993. Abortion had been legalized in Poland in 1956 and was used as a means of birth control because of a lack of availability and use of contraceptives. The number of abortions performed was variously reported as 60,000 - 300,000/year. In 1990, the Ministry of Health imposed restrictions on abortions at publicly funded hospitals, and 3 deaths were reported from self-induced abortions. In 1 year (1989-90), the number of induced abortions at 1 hospital dropped from 71 to 19, while the number of self-induced abortions increased from 48 to 85. Further restrictions were introduced in May 1992 as part of the "Ethical Code for Physicians," which allows abortions only in cases where the mother's life or health is in danger or in cases or rape. This code brought abortions to a halt at publicly funded hospitals and doubled or even tripled the cost of private abortions. Women have been refused abortions in tragic and life=threatening situations since the code was adopted. When an outright anti family planning bill was drafted in November 1992, the Polish citizenry collected 1,300,000 signatures to force a referendum. The referendum was not held, but the bill was defeated. The amended bill which passed allows abortions in publicly funded hospitals only when the mother's life or health is in danger and in cases of rape, incest, or incurable deformity of the fetus. The implications of this law remain unclear, since its language is strange and vague. The reproductive rights of Polish women face a further threat because the Catholic church is working to limit the availability of contraceptive methods which they deem to be "early abortives." On the other side of the issue, the Federation for Women and Planned
The provision of the Irish Constitution that guarantees "the unborn" a right to life equal to that of a pregnant woman has consequences for access to abortion and the care of women in pregnancy generally. Long-awaited legislation to give effect to the narrow constitutional right to abortion was enacted into law in 2013. In 2014, a guidance document for health professionals' implementation of the legislation was published. However, the legislation and guidance document fall far short of international human rights bodies' recommendations: they fail to deliver effective procedural rights to all of the women eligible for lawful abortion within the state and create new legal barriers to women's reproductive rights. At the same time, cases continue to highlight that the Irish Constitution imposes an unethical and rights-violating legal regime in non-abortion-related contexts. Recent developments suggest that both the failure to put guidelines in place and the development of guidelines that are not centered on women or based on rights further reduce women's access to rights and set unacceptable limitations on women's reproductive autonomy. Nevertheless, public and parliamentary scrutiny of cases involving Ireland's abortion laws is increasingly focusing on the need for reform. Copyright © 2015 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
The Abortion (Amendment) Bill in the British House of Commons would lower the maximum limit for termination of pregnancy from 28 to 18 weeks. Supporters of the bill assert that Britain allows termination of pregnancy later than any other European country, and that in Britain over 90% of all late abortions are of fetuses without phisical abnormality. The 28-week limit is considered anachronoistic by doctors since neonatal care has made possible survival at 24 weeks. A similar bill in the House of Lords would reduce the limit to 24 weeks. Making early abortions more easily available would help reduce late abortions. Statistics indicate that women who have abortions late in their pregnancies tend to be young. In 1986, 172,286 abortions were performed in England and Wales. Of these, 144,857, or 84%, were performed before the 13th week. A total of 8276 (5%) were performed after 18 weeks. Of these, 3688 (45% of late abortions) were on nonresidents who traveled to Britain because of legal restrictions in their own country. This means that 4594 late abortions were performed on residents of England and Wales in 1986. This was 3% of the total, with 14% of this number on grounds of fetal abnormality. About 40% of the rest were in women under the age of 20, with 6% (239) on girls under 16. A 1984 study concluded that more counseling and information should be provided for young women. Education in contraception for young women is less than ideal and likely to become less available as economic restraints reduce the number of family planning clinics. Postcoital contraception should be taught more as an emergency proceedure. Prompt, dispassionate physician counseling, wider provision of National Health Service facilities, and uniform service in all districts would also be beneficial.
Unsafe abortion is a significant contributor to worldwide maternal mortality; however, abortion law and policy liberalization could lead to drops in unsafe abortion and related deaths. This review provides an analysis of changes in abortion mortality in three countries where significant policy reform and related service delivery occurred. Drawing on peer-reviewed literature, population data and grey literature on programs and policies, this paper demonstrates the policy and program changes that led to declines in abortion-related mortality in Romania, South Africa and Bangladesh. In all three countries, abortion policy liberalization was followed by implementation of safe abortion services and other reproductive health interventions. South Africa and Bangladesh trained mid-level providers to offer safe abortion and menstrual regulation services, respectively, Romania improved contraceptive policies and services, and Bangladesh made advances in emergency obstetric care and family planning. The findings point to the importance of multi-faceted and complementary reproductive health reforms in successful implementation of abortion policy reform. PMID:22192901
Fine, Johanna B; Mayall, Katherine; Sepúlveda, Lilian
International and regional human rights norms have evolved significantly to recognize that the denial of abortion care in a range of circumstances violates women's and girls' fundamental human rights. These increasingly progressive standards have played a critical role in transforming national-level abortion laws by both influencing domestic high court decisions on abortion and serving as a critical resource in advancing law and policy reform. Courts in countries such as Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, and Nepal have directly incorporated these standards into groundbreaking cases liberalizing abortion laws and increasing women's access to safe abortion services, demonstrating the influence of these human rights standards in advancing women's reproductive freedom. These norms have also underpinned national-level abortion law and policy reform, including in countries such as Spain, Rwanda, Uruguay, and Peru. As these human rights norms further evolve and increasingly recognize abortion as a human rights imperative, these standards have the potential to bolster transformative jurisprudence and law and policy reform advancing women's and girls' full reproductive autonomy.
Fine, Johanna B.; Mayall, Katherine; Sepúlveda, Lilian
Abstract International and regional human rights norms have evolved significantly to recognize that the denial of abortion care in a range of circumstances violates women’s and girls’ fundamental human rights. These increasingly progressive standards have played a critical role in transforming national-level abortion laws by both influencing domestic high court decisions on abortion and serving as a critical resource in advancing law and policy reform. Courts in countries such as Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, and Nepal have directly incorporated these standards into groundbreaking cases liberalizing abortion laws and increasing women’s access to safe abortion services, demonstrating the influence of these human rights standards in advancing women’s reproductive freedom. These norms have also underpinned national-level abortion law and policy reform, including in countries such as Spain, Rwanda, Uruguay, and Peru. As these human rights norms further evolve and increasingly recognize abortion as a human rights imperative, these standards have the potential to bolster transformative jurisprudence and law and policy reform advancing women’s and girls’ full reproductive autonomy. PMID:28630542
Shostak, Arthur B.
Reports on emotions of males when a near-fatherhood experience ends in a legal abortion. A sizeable minority of males find their abortion experience more frustrating, trying, and emotionally costly than public and academic neglect of this subject would suggest. Options are suggested to help males deal with abortion's aspects. (Author)
Cook, R J; Dickens, B M
During the period between 1977 and the first quarter of 1988, 35 countries liberalized their abortion laws and four countries limited grounds for the procedure. Most legislation has extended abortion eligibility through traditional indications such as danger to maternal health or fetal handicap, but a number of other indications have been created such as adolescence, advanced maternal age, family circumstances, and AIDS or HIV infection. A number of countries have redesigned their abortion laws as part of a comprehensive package to facilitate access to and delivery of contraception, voluntary sterilization, and abortion services. Abortion litigation has increased and stimulated the liberalization of abortion provisions and the support of women's autonomous choice within the law. In Canada, the entire criminal prohibition of abortion was held unconstitutional for violating women's integrity and security. In contrast, Latin American and other constitutional developments may limit legal abortion to instances of danger to women's lives. PMID:3048126
Mercier, Rebecca J; Buchbinder, Mara; Bryant, Amy
Targeted Regulations of Abortion Providers (TRAP laws) are proliferating in the United States and have increased barriers to abortion access. In order to comply with these laws, abortion providers make significant changes to facilities and clinical practices. In this article, we draw attention to an often unacknowledged area of public health threat: how providers adapt to increasing regulation, and the resultant strains on the abortion provider workforce. Current US legal standards for abortion regulations have led to an increase in laws that target abortion providers. We describe recent research with abortion providers in North Carolina to illustrate how providers adapt to new regulations, and how compliance with regulation leads to increased workload and increased financial and emotional burdens on providers. We use the concept of invisible labor to highlight the critical work undertaken by abortion providers not only to comply with regulations, but also to minimize the burden that new laws impose on patients. This labor provides a crucial bridge in the preservation of abortion access. The impact of TRAP laws on abortion providers should be included in the consideration of the public health impact of abortion laws. PMID:27570376
de Costa, Caroline M; Russell, Darren B; de Costa, Naomi R; Carrette, Michael; McNamee, Heather M
Recent changes to Federal Therapeutic Goods Administration legislation have seen the limited introduction of the drug mifepristone to Australia for the purpose of early medical abortion. At the same time it has become evident that both methotrexate and misoprostol, licenced and available for other indications, are being used safely and appropriately for early abortion by Australian medical practitioners. Early medical abortion is widely practiced overseas where its safety and effectiveness are well supported by current evidence. However, abortion law in many states is still contained within the Criminal Codes and does not reflect current evidence-based abortion practice. In other states and territories restrictions on where abortions may be performed pose potential barriers to the introduction of mifepristone for medical abortion. There is an urgent need for abortion law to be clarified and made uniform across the country so that the best possible services can be provided to Australian women.
Ojo, S L
This paper reviews from the point of view of a lawyer, the need for abortion, the state of the laws in Africa and hazards of illegal abortion encouraged by restrictive laws. The author then examines the trends in the liberalization of laws in Africa and poses the problem of intention towards liberalization and the tendency of the governments to continue retaining some aspects of the restrictive laws. It is concluded that restrictive abortion laws in many African countries have proved ineffective and should therefore be liberalized. Miller's 8 stages in a woman's reproductive career when she is especially vulnerable psychologically to unwanted pregnancy and the 5 aspects of ego psychology to explain these stages are delineated. Hazards of illegal abortions include use of unqualified personnel, unsanitary conditions, high mortality rate and a sense of punishment conveyed especially to the poor and uneducated which may deter them from seeking medical assistance and contraceptive advice after the operation. 7% of the world's population live in countries where abortion is prohibited; for 12% abortion is permitted only to save the life of the mother; 15% must have broad medical grounds for abortion; for 22% social factors are taken into consideration; 36% can have abortions at their own request, 8% are subject to restrictive abortion laws. Only Tunisia and Zambia in Africa have so far liberalized their abortion laws. Liberalization will substantially reduce frequency of illegal and/or self induced abortions and the incidence of illegitimate births. Women who practice contraception are more likely to accept abortion and those who have an abortion are more likely to accept contraceptive methods when available. Since Potts predicts that 1/3 of all married couples will have at least 1 unplanned pregnancy, liberalization of abortion laws cannot be denied on the argument that instead emphasis should be placed on prevention through family planning education and services. The
Duarte, Graciana Alves; Osis, Maria José Duarte; Faúndes, Anibal; Sousa, Maria Helena de
To analyze the opinion of judges and prosecutors concerning Brazilian abortion law and situations in which the abortion should be allowed. A cross-sectional study was performed with 1,493 judges and 2,614 prosecutors in Brazil between 2005 and 2006. Participants completed a structured questionnaire approaching sociodemographic characteristics, opinions about abortion law, and circumstances in which abortion is considered lawful. Bivariate and multivariate analyses of data were carried out through Poisson regression. The majority of participants (78%) found that the circumstances in which abortion is considered lawful should be broadened, or even that abortion should not be criminalized. The highest rates of pro-abortion opinions resulted from: risk to the life of the mother (84%), anencephaly (83%), severe congenital malformation of fetus (82%), and pregnancy resulting from rape (82%). Variables related to religion were strongly associated to the opinion of participants. There is a trend in considering the need of changing the current abortion law, in the sense of widening the circumstances in which abortion is considered lawful, or even toward decriminalizing abortion, regardless of the circumstances in which it takes place.
Although there is no right to abort in English law but rather abortion is a crime, the lawful grounds for which are instantiated in the Abortion Act 1967 (as amended by the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990), the regulation of abortion is sometimes perceived as being fairly ‘liberal’. Accordingly, the idea that aspects of English law could be criticised under the European Convention on Human Rights, with which the UK must comply following the Human Rights Act 1998, may seem unlikely. Indeed, English law is compatible with the consensus amongst contracting states that abortion should be available on maternal health grounds. However, analysis of the UK's negative obligations under Article 8 shows that section 1(1)(a) of the Act is problematic as it operates in the first trimester. Further, given the European Court of Human Rights' emphasis on the reduced margin of appreciation once a state has legalised abortion to some degree and its jurisprudence relating to a state's positive obligations, the analysis shows that, while English law may not be problematic in relation to the lack of guidelines relating to the lawful grounds for abortion, it may well be in relation to the lack of a formal system for the review of any two doctors' decision not to grant a termination. Notwithstanding the morally serious nature of the decision to abort, the analysis overall raises questions about the need for at least some degree of abortion law reform, particularly in relation to the first trimester, towards a more autonomy-focused, though time-limited, rights-based approach. PMID:26546800
Although there is no right to abort in English law but rather abortion is a crime, the lawful grounds for which are instantiated in the Abortion Act 1967 (as amended by the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990), the regulation of abortion is sometimes perceived as being fairly 'liberal'. Accordingly, the idea that aspects of English law could be criticised under the European Convention on Human Rights, with which the UK must comply following the Human Rights Act 1998, may seem unlikely. Indeed, English law is compatible with the consensus amongst contracting states that abortion should be available on maternal health grounds. However, analysis of the UK's negative obligations under Article 8 shows that section 1(1)(a) of the Act is problematic as it operates in the first trimester. Further, given the European Court of Human Rights' emphasis on the reduced margin of appreciation once a state has legalised abortion to some degree and its jurisprudence relating to a state's positive obligations, the analysis shows that, while English law may not be problematic in relation to the lack of guidelines relating to the lawful grounds for abortion, it may well be in relation to the lack of a formal system for the review of any two doctors' decision not to grant a termination. Notwithstanding the morally serious nature of the decision to abort, the analysis overall raises questions about the need for at least some degree of abortion law reform, particularly in relation to the first trimester, towards a more autonomy-focused, though time-limited, rights-based approach. © The Author 2015. Published by Oxford University Press.
Erdman, Joanna N
The legal regulation of abortion by gestational age, or length of pregnancy, is a relatively undertheorized dimension of abortion and human rights. Yet struggles over time in abortion law, and its competing representations and meanings, are ultimately struggles over ethical and political values, authority and power, the very stakes that human rights on abortion engage. This article focuses on three struggles over time in abortion and human rights law: those related to morality, health, and justice. With respect to morality, the article concludes that collective faith and trust should be placed in the moral judgment of those most affected by the passage of time in pregnancy and by later abortion-pregnant women. With respect to health, abortion law as health regulation should be evidence-based to counter the stigma of later abortion, which leads to overregulation and access barriers. With respect to justice, in recognizing that there will always be a need for abortion services later in pregnancy, such services should be safe, legal, and accessible without hardship or risk. At the same time, justice must address the structural conditions of women's capacity to make timely decisions about abortion, and to access abortion services early in pregnancy.
Cartoof, V G; Klerman, L V
This study assessed the impact of Massachusetts' parental consent law, which requires unmarried women under age 18 to obtain parental or judicial consent before having an abortion. Data were analyzed on monthly totals of abortions and births to Massachusetts minors prior to and following the April 1981 implementation of the law. Findings indicate that half as many minors obtained abortions in the state during the 20 months after the law went into effect as had done so previously. More than 1,800 minors residing in Massachusetts traveled to five surrounding states during these 20 months to avoid the statute's mandates. This group accounts for the reduction in in-state abortions. A small number of minors (50 to 100) bore children rather than aborting during 1982, perhaps because of the law. Findings suggest that this state's parental consent law had little effect on adolescent's pregnancy-resolution behavior. PMID:3953915
The aim of this paper is to provide a panoramic view of laws and policies on abortion around the world, giving a range of country-based examples. It shows that the plethora of convoluted laws and restrictions surrounding abortion do not make any legal or public health sense. What makes abortion safe is simple and irrefutable-when it is available on the woman's request and is universally affordable and accessible. From this perspective, few existing laws are fit for purpose. However, the road to law reform is long and difficult. In order to achieve the right to safe abortion, advocates will need to study the political, health system, legal, juridical, and socio-cultural realities surrounding existing law and policy in their countries, and decide what kind of law they want (if any). The biggest challenge is to determine what is possible to achieve, build a critical mass of support, and work together with legal experts, parliamentarians, health professionals, and women themselves to change the law-so that everyone with an unwanted pregnancy who seeks an abortion can have it, as early as possible and as late as necessary.
Arnott, Grady; Sheehy, Grace; Chinthakanan, Orawee; Foster, Angel M
Despite decades of advocacy among Thai governmental and nongovernmental actors to remove abortion from the country's 1957 Criminal Code, this medically necessary service remains significantly legally restricted. In 2005, in the most recent regulatory reform to date, the Thai Medical Council established regulatory measures to allow a degree of physician interpretation within the confines of the existing law. Drawing on findings from a review of institutional policies and legislative materials, key informant interviews, and informal discussions with health service providers, government representatives, and nonprofit stakeholders, this article explores how legal reforms and health policies have shaped the abortion landscape in Thailand and influenced geographic disparities in availability and accessibility. Notwithstanding a strong medical community and the recent introduction of mifepristone for medication abortion (also known as medical abortion), the narrow interpretation of the regulatory criteria by physicians further entrenches these disparities. This article examines the causes of subnational disparities, focusing on the northern provinces and the western periphery of Thailand, and explores strategies to improve access to abortion in this legally restricted setting.
Arnott, Grady; Sheehy, Grace; Chinthakanan, Orawee; Foster, Angel M.
Abstract Despite decades of advocacy among Thai governmental and nongovernmental actors to remove abortion from the country’s 1957 Criminal Code, this medically necessary service remains significantly legally restricted. In 2005, in the most recent regulatory reform to date, the Thai Medical Council established regulatory measures to allow a degree of physician interpretation within the confines of the existing law. Drawing on findings from a review of institutional policies and legislative materials, key informant interviews, and informal discussions with health service providers, government representatives, and nonprofit stakeholders, this article explores how legal reforms and health policies have shaped the abortion landscape in Thailand and influenced geographic disparities in availability and accessibility. Notwithstanding a strong medical community and the recent introduction of mifepristone for medication abortion (also known as medical abortion), the narrow interpretation of the regulatory criteria by physicians further entrenches these disparities. This article examines the causes of subnational disparities, focusing on the northern provinces and the western periphery of Thailand, and explores strategies to improve access to abortion in this legally restricted setting. PMID:28630551
Bloomer, Fiona; O'Dowd, Kellie
Access to abortion remains a controversial issue worldwide. In Ireland, both north and south, legal restrictions have resulted in thousands of women travelling to England and Wales and further afield to obtain abortions in the last decade alone, while others purchase the 'abortion pill' from Internet sources. This paper considers the socio-legal context in both jurisdictions, the data on those travelling to access abortion and the barriers to legal reform. It argues that moral conservatism in Ireland, north and south, has contributed to the restricted access to abortion, impacting on the experience of thousands of women, resulting in these individuals becoming 'abortion tourists'.
Erdman, Joanna N.
Abstract The legal regulation of abortion by gestational age, or length of pregnancy, is a relatively undertheorized dimension of abortion and human rights. Yet struggles over time in abortion law, and its competing representations and meanings, are ultimately struggles over ethical and political values, authority and power, the very stakes that human rights on abortion engage. This article focuses on three struggles over time in abortion and human rights law: those related to morality, health, and justice. With respect to morality, the article concludes that collective faith and trust should be placed in the moral judgment of those most affected by the passage of time in pregnancy and by later abortion—pregnant women. With respect to health, abortion law as health regulation should be evidence-based to counter the stigma of later abortion, which leads to overregulation and access barriers. With respect to justice, in recognizing that there will always be a need for abortion services later in pregnancy, such services should be safe, legal, and accessible without hardship or risk. At the same time, justice must address the structural conditions of women’s capacity to make timely decisions about abortion, and to access abortion services early in pregnancy. PMID:28630539
Kahn, J B; Bourne, J P; Tyler, C W
This report summarizes the current status of abortion legislation as of January 1, 1971. Data are presented from several sources to characterize the population receiving abortion services in terms of age, race, marital status, and indications for pregnancy termination. A special section details the abortion scene in New York City, especially insofar as it pertains to the availability of abortion services to out-of state women. Certain conclusions are drawn. The practice of legal abortion is increasing dramatically. From January to June 1970, there were 34,143 abortions in 9 selected states. It was estimated that no more than 8000 legal abortions per year were done as recently as 1965. It is apparent that the status of a given law regulating the performance of abortions does not necessarily dictate the actual number performed. While it is true that the complexity or liberalism of the worded law may be instrumental in guiding physicians to the greater performance of legal abortions, it is just as clear that the intention of the practicing physician or hospital to comply with the spirit of the law may, in fact, be more critical. A disproportionate number of abortions reported as a given statewide experience are still being done by a limited number of institutions in that state. States like California and Oregon are defined as "liberal performance states". They do more abortions for mental health indications and more abortions on women who are young and unmarried. Based on the abortion data in this report, it is obvious that race-specific abortion ratios do not correspond to race-specific live birth rates. In Jefferson County, Alabama, and in the State of California, black women have obtained hospital abortions at a rate nearly equal to that of white women, but in Georgia and South Carolina, there is a lower abortion ratio among black women than among white women. It has yet to be determined if this variability is the result of a negative patient attitude or a policy
In Ethiopia, violation of women's reproductive rights is both a cause and a manifestation of women's disempowerment. Obstacles to full realisation of Ethiopian women's reproductive health and rights include the persistence of harmful traditional practices such as female genital mutilation, early marriage and abduction, as well as the disturbing prevalence of rape and HIV/AIDS. Unsafe abortion represents a particularly serious threat to women's health and lives. Ethiopia's status as a signatory to the Convention to Eliminate all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and its constitutional guarantee of women's equality demand more aggressive action to eradicate such practices and inequities. After years of lobbying by women's organisations, parliamentarians are now reviewing a draft of the 1957 penal code, which includes numerous provisions addressing some of these practices and other conditions that underlie women's poor social and health status.
Wilson, Kate S; García, Sandra G; Díaz Olavarrieta, Claudia; Villalobos-Hernández, Aremis; Rodríguez, Jorge Valencia; Smith, Patricio Sanhueza; Burks, Courtney
This article presents findings from three opinion surveys conducted among representative samples of Mexico City residents: the first one immediately prior to the groundbreaking legalization of first-trimester abortion in April 2007, and one and two years after the reform. Bivariate and multivariate analyses were performed to assess changes in opinion concerning abortion and correlates of favorable opinion following reform. In 2009 a clear majority (74 percent) of respondents were in support of the Mexico City law allowing for elective first-trimester abortion, compared with 63 percent in 2008 and 38 percent in 2007. A significant increase in support for extending the law to the rest of Mexico was found: from 51 percent in 2007 to 70 percent in 2008 and 83 percent in 2009. In 2008 the significant independent correlates of support for the Mexico City law were education, infrequent religious service attendance, sex (being male), and political party affiliation; in 2009 they were education beyond high school, infrequent religious service attendance, and ever having been married.
Cook, R J; Dickens, B M
International developments in abortion laws have been diverse, but the general thrust of legislation and court decisions has been towards decriminalization and liberalization of laws and the reduction of legal barriers to access to therapuetic abortion services presented by spousal and parental authorization requirements. Most legislation has extended abortion eligibility through traditional indications such as danger to maternal health or fetal handicap, but other indications have also been created, such as adolescence, advanced maternal age, family circumstances and Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome or Human Immunodeficiency Virus infection. Several jurisdictions established stages of early gestation within which abortion could be undertaken with minimal legal scrutiny. In Canada, the entire prohibition of abortion was held unconstitutional for violating women's integrity and security. Under medical and public health guidance, several countries have amended their constitutions to recognize and protect human life from contraception. Cyprus, Italy, and Taiwan have created an indication for abortion of welfare of the women's family, while France and the Netherlands recognize the women's distress and Hungary cites cases where the women is single or separated for 6 months, where appropriate housing is lacking or where she is 35 years or older and has had 3 deliveries. National health services and insurance schemes vary in their coverage of abortion costs, but generally tend to fund the major park of lawful services. In Britain, France, Israel, the US and Yugoslavia husband's claims to veto abortions have been rejected. Courts have also established that mature adolescents, although legally minors, may give autonomous consent to abortion and are entitled to confidentiality. Few countries' laws define when criminal abortion liability commences or when conception occurs, but the law has moved to restrict abortion in Israel, Honduras, Romania and Finland.
Hirve, Siddhivinayak S
Despite 30 years of liberal legislation, the majority of women in India still lack access to safe abortion care. This paper critically reviews the history of abortion law and policy in India since the 1960s and research on abortion service delivery. Amendments in 2002 and 2003 to the 1971 Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, including devolution of regulation of abortion services to the district level, punitive measures to deter provision of unsafe abortions, rationalisation of physical requirements for facilities to provide early abortion, and approval of medical abortion, have all aimed to expand safe services. Proposed amendments to the MTP Act to prevent sex-selective abortions would have been unethical and violated confidentiality, and were not taken forward. Continuing problems include poor regulation of both public and private sector services, a physician-only policy that excludes mid-level providers and low registration of rural compared to urban clinics; all restrict access. Poor awareness of the law, unnecessary spousal consent requirements, contraceptive targets linked to abortion, and informal and high fees also serve as barriers. Training more providers, simplifying registration procedures, de-linking clinic and provider approval, and linking policy with up-to-date technology, research and good clinical practice are some immediate measures needed to improve women's access to safe abortion care.
Assifi, Anisa R; Berger, Blair; Tunçalp, Özge; Khosla, Rajat; Ganatra, Bela
Incorrect knowledge of laws may affect how women enter the health system or seek services, and it likely contributes to the disconnect between official laws and practical applications of the laws that influence women's access to safe, legal abortion services. To provide a synthesis of evidence of women's awareness and knowledge of the legal status of abortion in their country, and the accuracy of women's knowledge on specific legal grounds and restrictions outlined in a country's abortion law. A systematic search was carried for articles published between 1980-2015. Quantitative, mixed-method data collection, and objectives related to women's awareness or knowledge of the abortion law was included. Full texts were assessed, and data extraction done by a single reviewer. Final inclusion for analysis was assessed by two reviewers. The results were synthesised into tables, using narrative synthesis. Of the original 3,126 articles, and 16 hand searched citations, 24 studies were included for analysis. Women's correct general awareness and knowledge of the legal status was less than 50% in nine studies. In six studies, knowledge of legalization/liberalisation ranged between 32.3%-68.2%. Correct knowledge of abortion on the grounds of rape ranged from 12.8%-98%, while in the case of incest, ranged from 9.8%-64.5%. Abortion on the grounds of fetal impairment and gestational limits, varied widely from 7%-94% and 0%-89.5% respectively. This systematic review synthesizes literature on women's awareness and knowledge of the abortion law in their own context. The findings show that correct general awareness and knowledge of the abortion law and legal grounds and restrictions amongst women was limited, even in countries where the laws were liberal. Thus, interventions to disseminate accurate information on the legal context are necessary.
Gebrehiwot, Yirgu; Liabsuetrakul, Tippawan
Evidence from developed countries has shown that abortion-related mortality and morbidity has decreased with the liberalization of the abortion law. This study aimed to assess the trend of hospital-based abortion complications during the transition of legalization in Ethiopia in May 2005. Medical records of women with abortion complications from 2003 to 2007 were reviewed (n = 773). Abortion and its complications with regard to legalization were described by rates and ratios, and predictors of fatal outcomes were analyzed by logistic regression. The overall and abortion-related maternal mortality ratios (AMMRs) showed a non-statistically significant downward trend over the 5-year period. However, the case fatality rate of abortion increased from 1.1% in 2003 to 3.6% in 2007. Late gestational age, history of interference and presenting after new abortion legislation passed have been found to be significant predictors of mortality. Decreased trends of abortion ratio and the AMMR were identified, but the severity of abortion complications and the case fatality rate increased during the transition of legal revision.
Holcombe, Sarah Jane
Unsafe abortion is one of the three leading causes of maternal mortality in low-income countries; however, few countries have reformed their laws to permit safer, legal abortion, and professional medical associations have not tended to spearhead this type of reform. Support from a professional association typically carries more weight than does that from an individual medical professional. However, theory predicts and the empirical record largely reveals that medical associations shy from engagement in conflictual policymaking such as on abortion, except when professional autonomy or income is at stake. Using interviews with 10 obstetrician-gynaecologists and 44 other leaders familiar with Ethiopia's reproductive health policy context, as well as other primary and secondary sources, this research examines why, counter to theoretical expectations from the sociology of medical professions literature and experience elsewhere, the Ethiopian Society of Obstetricians & Gynecologists (ESOG) actively supported reform of national law on abortion. ESOG leadership participation was motivated by both individual and ESOG's organizational commitments to reducing maternal mortality and also by professional training and work experience. Further, typical constraints on medical society involvement in policymaking were relaxed or removed, including those related to ESOG's organizational structure and history, and to political environment. Findings do not contradict theory positing medical society avoidance of socially conflictual health policymaking, but rather identify how the expected restrictions were less present in Ethiopia, facilitating medical society participation. Results can inform efforts to encourage medical society participation in policy reform to improve women's health elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa.
There is a global trend toward the liberalization of abortion laws driven by women’s rights, public health, and human rights advocates. This trend reflects the recognition of women’s access to legal abortion services as a matter of women’s rights and self-determination and an understanding of the dire public health implications of criminalizing abortion. Nonetheless, legal strategies to introduce barriers that impede access to legal abortion services, such as mandatory waiting periods, biased counseling requirements, and the unregulated practice of conscientious objection, are emerging in response to this trend. These barriers stigmatize and demean women and compromise their health. Public health evidence and human rights guarantees provide a compelling rationale for challenging abortion bans and these restrictions. PMID:23409915
Finer, Louise; Fine, Johanna B
There is a global trend toward the liberalization of abortion laws driven by women's rights, public health, and human rights advocates. This trend reflects the recognition of women's access to legal abortion services as a matter of women's rights and self-determination and an understanding of the dire public health implications of criminalizing abortion. Nonetheless, legal strategies to introduce barriers that impede access to legal abortion services, such as mandatory waiting periods, biased counseling requirements, and the unregulated practice of conscientious objection, are emerging in response to this trend. These barriers stigmatize and demean women and compromise their health. Public health evidence and human rights guarantees provide a compelling rationale for challenging abortion bans and these restrictions.
Provenzano-Castro, Belén; Oizerovich, Silvia; Stray-Pedersen, Babill
Abortion is legally restricted in Argentina. Although this law is almost 100 years old, most women who meet the criteria for legal abortion are not informed of or offered this possibility within the healthcare system. Healthcare students' knowledge and opinions on abortion may influence their future practice. They may deny a woman with an unwanted pregnancy a practice to which she is legally entitled, resulting in an unsafe abortion. This study assessed knowledge and personal opinions on the abortion law among first year healthcare students in order to design adequate educational strategies. In this descriptive, analytical, cross-sectional study, structured self-administered questionnaires were administered to 781 first year medical, nursing, midwifery, and other healthcare students from the Faculty of Medicine, University of Buenos Aires from 2011 to 2013. Data were recorded anonymously in SPSS 20. Student samples were adjusted for gender and fields of study using the University statistics. Of the students, 48.8% did not know the current regulations. Most of the students thought abortion was legally restricted and failed to recognize the circumstances in which it is allowed. Over 75% of the students were pro-abortion, especially those with sexual experience. Students lack sound knowledge on the abortion law that may affect their personal lives and influence their future professional practice. It is crucial that medical schools include sexual and reproductive health issues in their curricula in order to ensure better quality healthcare services in the future. In Argentina, approximately 400,000 abortions are performed every year, many under unsafe conditions, resulting in one third of the maternal deaths for the past decade. High quality sexual and reproductive healthcare services are a key strategy to improve adolescents' and women's health, thereby lowering maternal mortality. Copyright © 2015 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
Oizerovich, Silvia; Stray-Pedersen, Babill
Objectives We assessed healthcare students’ knowledge and opinions on Argentinian abortion law and identified differences between first- and final-year healthcare students. Methods In this cross-sectional study, self-administered anonymous questionnaires were administered to 760 first- and 695 final-year students from different fields of study (medicine, midwifery, nursing, radiology, nutrition, speech therapy, and physiotherapy) of the School of Medicine at the University of Buenos Aires, in 2011-2013. Results Compared to first-year students, a higher percentage of final-year students knew that abortion is legally restricted in Argentina (p < 0.001). A significantly higher percentage of final-year students could correctly identify the circumstances in which abortion is legal: woman´s life risk (87.4% last vs. 79.1% first year), rape of a woman with developmental disability (66.2% first vs. 85.4% last-year; p < 0.001). More final-year students chose severe foetal malformations (37.3% first year vs. 57.3% final year) despite its being illegal. Conclusions Although most final-year students knew that abortion is legally restricted in Argentina, misconceptions regarding circumstances of legal abortion were observed; this may be due to the fact that abortion is inadequately covered in the medical curricula. Medical schools should ensure that sexual and reproductive health topics are an integral part of their curricula. Healthcare providers who are aware of the legality of abortion are more likely to provide the public with sound information and ensure abortions are appropriately performed. PMID:27018552
Abstract Unsafe abortion is one of the three leading causes of maternal mortality in low-income countries; however, few countries have reformed their laws to permit safer, legal abortion, and professional medical associations have not tended to spearhead this type of reform. Support from a professional association typically carries more weight than does that from an individual medical professional. However, theory predicts and the empirical record largely reveals that medical associations shy from engagement in conflictual policymaking such as on abortion, except when professional autonomy or income is at stake. Using interviews with 10 obstetrician–gynaecologists and 44 other leaders familiar with Ethiopia’s reproductive health policy context, as well as other primary and secondary sources, this research examines why, counter to theoretical expectations from the sociology of medical professions literature and experience elsewhere, the Ethiopian Society of Obstetricians & Gynecologists (ESOG) actively supported reform of national law on abortion. ESOG leadership participation was motivated by both individual and ESOG’s organizational commitments to reducing maternal mortality and also by professional training and work experience. Further, typical constraints on medical society involvement in policymaking were relaxed or removed, including those related to ESOG’s organizational structure and history, and to political environment. Findings do not contradict theory positing medical society avoidance of socially conflictual health policymaking, but rather identify how the expected restrictions were less present in Ethiopia, facilitating medical society participation. Results can inform efforts to encourage medical society participation in policy reform to improve women’s health elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa. PMID:29538641
Cook, R J; Dickens, B M
Modern thinking on abortion, reflected in recent legal developments around the world, has turned from concentration upon criminality in favor of female and family well-being. New laws enacted during the last decade are coming to focus upon conditions of health and social welfare of women and their existing families as indications for lawful termination of pregnancy. Regulations governing the delivery of services may be restrictive, however, so as to limit in practice access to means of safe, legal abortion made available in theory. Requirements may be imposed that only medical personnel with unduly high qualifications perform procedures, or that they be undertaken only in institutions meeting standards higher than similar health care requires. Approval procedures may be established involving second medical opinions or committees to monitor observance of the law, which may delay abortions and therefore increase their hazards. Parental and spousal consent requirements may exist in addition with the same effects, or to veto a pregnant female's request. Regulations may be employed more positively, however, to encourage contraceptive practice. A disappointment with legislative reform is that it may fail to improve circumstances if public resources are not applied to achieve the supply of services newly rendered legitimate, and illegal practice may persist. PMID:665881
State and federal governments in Australia fear actively trying to ensure access to abortion. No federal abortion law in Australia exists. Abortion is a state matter. The federal government's health care system does reimburse women for abortion services, however. State laws prohibit unlawful abortions but they do not define what they mean by unlawful abortion. Victoria, New South Wales, and Queensland have had common law interpretations of their Crimes Acts, which allow greater access to abortion. Tasmania and Western Australia have not had common law interpretations. Thus, even though abortion is available, women and providers are not secure. Abortion reform in South Australia and the Northern Territory has made access to abortion more difficult. A woman must be a resident in South Australia for 2 months before she can obtain an abortion. Abortions are allowed only in a clinic or a hospital. Women in metropolitan Melbourne and Sydney have good access to abortion services, while those in the country or in an isolated part of NSW or Victoria may have an antiabortion physician serving their area. Women in Queensland, Tasmania, and Western Australia pay a lot for an abortion because they also have to pay for airfare to a large city. Only a gynecologist can perform abortions in the Northern Territory. Social workers often coerce Aboriginal women into an abortion. The few antiabortion physicians have a big impact on whether women receive abortion information or not. Research at Adelaide and Flinders Universities show that abortion-related trauma is linked to obtaining information and access to abortion services. Physicians are nervous about performing abortions because abortion is still in the Crimes Acts and Criminal Codes, making it difficult to recruit high quality and empathetic practitioners. Antiabortion groups are small and tend not to adopt extreme tactics. The Abortion Rights Network of Australia has recently been formed.
Attempts at medicinal cannabis law reform in Australia are not new. However, in historical perspective 2015 and 2016 will be seen as the time when community debate about legalisation of medicinal cannabis reached a tipping point in a number of Australian jurisdictions and when community impetus for change resulted in major reform initiatives. In order to contextualise the changes, the August 2015 Report of the Victorian Law Reform Commission (VLRC) and then the Access to Medicinal Cannabis Bill 2015 (Vic) introduced in December 2015 into the Victorian Parliament by the Labor Government are scrutinised. In addition, this editorial reviews the next phase of developments in the course of 2015 and 2016, including the Commonwealth Narcotic Drugs Amendment Act 2016 and the Queensland Public Health (Medicinal Canna- bis) Bill 2016. It identifies the principal features of the legislative initiatives against the backdrop of the VLRC proposals. It observes that the principles underlying the Report and the legislative developments in the three Australian jurisdictions are closely aligned and that their public health approach, their combination of evidence-based pragmatism, and their carefully orchestrated checks and balances against abuse and excess constitute a constructive template for medicinal cannabis law reform.
Ngwena, Charles G
Women in the African region are overburdened with unsafe abortion. Abortion regimes that fail to translate any given abortion rights into tangible access are partly to blame. Historically, African abortion laws have been highly restrictive. However, the post-independence era has witnessed a change toward liberalizing abortion law, even if incremental for many jurisdictions. Furthermore, Article 14 of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa has significantly augmented the regional trend toward liberalization by recognizing abortion as a human right in given circumstances. However, states are failing to implement abortion laws. The jurisprudence that is emerging from the European Court of Human Rights and United Nations treaty bodies is a tool that can be used to render African governments accountable for failure to implement domestic abortion laws. Copyright © 2012 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Cattanach, J F
As abortion is the destruction of individual human life, if an abortion is to be performed at all there must be grave reasons for it which should necessitate complete documentation. Surely human life should be given that respect at least. Legislation should oblige any doctor intending to perform an induced abortion to list the indications which in his or her opinion make that abortion lawful. A signed copy of that opinion should be sent to an official authority of notification. This authority could be developed along the lines of the Neonatal Deaths Committees with authority to check any such notification through consultant tribunals, similar to those existing in New Zealand, which would have access to the patient. The simplest way to ensure that an induced abortion of a viable pregnancy has not occurred at any curettage is to pass legislation which would make it mandatory that all tissue obtained at all uterine curettages or evacuations be sent for histopathological examination. Should the pathologist find evidence of an induced abortion or hysterotomy a copy of the pathology report would then be sent to the official committee. The usual copies would be sent to the doctor and hospital concerned. All such procedures would have to be carried out at registered hospitals. All medical staff members and nurses would have access to such reports. It would be a grave offence for the doctor, pathologist or hospital not to comply with the above procedure. The official committee would have the power to demand samples of tissue for examination by its own consultant pathologist, and to investigate irregularities in the above procedure. Pathologists concur that induced abortion can be accurately differentiated from other types of abortion, as there is an infiltration of polymorphs into the decidua within about three hours of fetal death in incomplete abortion, and there are other features such as hyalinization of placental villi. Apparently, these differences are so basic that a
Paine, Jennifer; Noriega, Regina Tamés; Puga, Alma Luz Beltrán Y
While women in Mexico City can access free, safe and legal abortion during the first trimester, women in other Mexican states face many barriers. To complicate matters, between 2008 and 2009, 16 state constitutions were amended to protect life from conception. While these reforms do not annul existing legal abortion indications, they have created additional obstacles for women. Health providers increasingly report women who seek life-saving care for complications such as haemorrhage to the police, and some cases eventually end up in court. The Grupo de Información en Reproducción Elegida (GIRE) has successfully litigated such cases in state courts, with positive outcomes. However, state courts have mainly focused on procedural issues. The Mexican Supreme Court ruling supporting Mexico City's law has had a positive effect, but a stronger stance is needed. This paper discusses the constitutional framework and jurisprudence regarding abortion in Mexico, and the recent Costa Rica decision of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. We assert that Mexican states must guarantee women's access to abortion on the legal grounds established in law. We continue to support litigation at the state level to oblige courts to exonerate women prosecuted for illegal abortion. Advocacy should, of course, also address the legislative and executive branches, while working simultaneously to set legal precedents on abortion. Copyright © 2014 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Poland's "anti-abortion" law, which has been in effect since March 1993, is one of the most restrictive in Europe. Under this law, abortion is allowed only when there is justifiable suspicion that the pregnancy constitutes a threat to the life or a serious threat to the health of the mother, that the fetus is irreversibly damaged, or that the pregnancy resulted from an illegal act. Nevertheless, women continue to seek abortions at all costs, and the anti-abortion law has led to creation of "underground" abortion services and "abortion tourism." The existence of underground abortion services (with most available in large cities) is documented through the proliferation of advertisements that contain certain catch phrases, through the testimony of women who have received abortions from private gynecologists, through anonymous statements issued by physicians who perform abortions, and by a government report. Abortion costs range from US$400-800, whereas an average monthly salary in Poland is US$300. As an alternative, an estimated 16,000 Polish women travel to neighboring countries to receive an abortion. The social consequences of the anti-abortion law include an increasing number of abandoned children or infants and an increasing number of teenage pregnancies and late pregnancies. The anti-abortion law has proved to be more restrictive in practice than on paper as women with a right to legal abortion and all the required documentation are refused the procedure. Affected women fail to lodge complaints with the Ministry of Health because they want to put the situation behind them or because they are afraid they will be prosecuted. Other effects of the law are that Poles live in permanent fear of pregnancy and suffer terrible guilt when they resort to abortion. Many obstacles impede use of contraceptives in Poland, and implementation of mandated sex education is chaotic and uneven with most teachers justifiably claiming that they are unqualified to teach this subject.
Medoff, Marshall H; Dennis, Christopher
Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers (or TRAP) laws impose medically unnecessary and burdensome regulations solely on abortion providers in order to make abortion services more expensive and difficult to obtain. Using event history analysis, this article examines the determinants of the enactment of a TRAP law by states over the period 1974–2008. The empirical results find that Republican institutional control of a state's legislative/executive branches is positively associated with a state enacting a TRAP law, while Democratic institutional control is negatively associated with a state enacting a TRAP law. The percentage of a state's population that is Catholic, public anti-abortion attitudes, state political ideology, and the abortion rate in a state are statistically insignificant predictors of a state enacting a TRAP law. The empirical results are consistent with the hypothesis that abortion is a redistributive issue and not a morality issue.
Borges, Ana Luiza Vilela; Tsui, Amy Ong; Fujimori, Elizabeth; Hoga, Luiza Akiko Komura
We aimed to determine whether current contraceptive use is affected by a history of abortion for women from a country with abortion-restricted laws. This is an analysis of 2006 Brazil Demographic and Health Survey. Nonpregnant women whose first pregnancy occurred in the previous 5 years were selected for this study (n = 2,181). We used propensity score matching to compare current contraceptive use among women with induced or spontaneous abortion and women with no abortion. We found differences in the use, but women with a history of abortion did not report more effective contraceptive than women with no abortion, as we expected.
Wilson, E L
If you are pregnant and near 40 years old there is 1/137 chance that your child may have Down's syndrome, or 1/65 chance he will have a physical or mental problem. There are tests that can indicate these problems but they increase the risk of spontaneous abortion. A woman should not be forced to carry an unwanted child, and the needs of childless couples should not be addressed in abortion discussions. The Roe v. Wade case made the distinction of not having to determine when life begins, but when it can be sustained outside the body. The Missouri statute states that human life begins at conception, an unborn child has protectable life interests and the parents of that child have protectable life interests of the unborn child in relation to life, health and its well being. States that are really concerned with the interests of unborn children should improve prenatal care, educate teens on contraception, AIDS, and be concerned about violent behavior and smoking. Voters in Michigan and Arkansas approved a law to stop the use of public funds for abortion, other than saving the mother's life. Pro- choice advocates are concerned that the conservative appointees to the supreme court will reverse the previous decision.
Lindley, J T
Rumania provides the opportunity to determine the effects of change in abortion laws by comparing it to Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary with whom it has a similar background, government, and growth pattern. Rumania had legalized abortion in 1957 but reversed its decision in 1966. 3 years later when compared with the other countries where legalized abortion continued, there was a significant increase in the crude birthrate of Rumania, a notable increase resulting mainly from the change in its abortion law. This same conclusion can also be reached by applying microeconomic theory using the concept that children are, on the margin, the result of a maximizing process. The decision to have an abortion in the countries in question is voluntary. No one is coerced and even when abortion is illegal it can be seen as an increase in price. By doing this the decision of whether to have an abortion can be analyzed as a microeconomic decision. The birth decision is made on the margin where the expected cost of a child is compared with the expected return. Traditional analysis implies that there is no cost involved in not having children, but there are both monetary and nonmonetary costs, the latter being physical and psychological. All forms of birth control involve costs, and the following analysis could be used on any of them. By combining the cost of preventing birth with the concept of traditional theory, there is now a threefold margin of decision rather than a twofold one. The cost of prevention must be included. If the amount that will have to be expended for prevention exceeds the net cost of having the child, the ultimate decision will be to have the child. The demand curve for abortion shows that as abortion is legalized the supply curve will shift out and the price will fall, with the opposite case if abortion is again made illegal. The demand curve might also shift as abortion was legalized or made illegal as the desire for abortion could change. It could be
I refer for termination anyone who requests it for--pace Mr V Tunkel, (28 July, p 253)--the law is generally regarded as being one of "abortion on demand." I have some misgivings as I do not believe that women in early pregnancy are always in a fit state to make a considered decision, and they cannot in the nature of things be given time. I have, however, become increasingly worried about the morbidity arising from the procedure, and it is interesting that letters on the subject (25 August, pp 495 and 496) should be followed by one reporting rupture of the uterus during prostaglandin-induced abortion--yet another complication to add to those of cervical incompetence, pelvic sepsis, and permanent neurological damage. In so far as these tragedies usually follow late terminations Mr John Corrie's Bill is to be welcomed. A few further points. I am not so cynical as to think that every impregnation is the result of a thoughtless act of male lust. Unlike Professor Peter Huntingford (25 August, p 496), I listen to men as well as women, and many of them are deeply involved emotionally in the pregnancy they have helped to produce. Certainly I think a man should have the right to be consulted if his wife is to undergo a procedure that might damage her health. It is unfair contemptuously to dismiss as "whims" opinions that differ from ones own. These may result from genuine conscientious doubts or inability to cope from overwork and understaffing. Abortion is quite the most expensive form of contraception, and perhaps in these days of financial stringency this should be taken into account. "Bigotry" is defined in my dictionary as "blind zeal." This could be said of those who enthusiastically promote a course of action without regard to circumstances, safety, or cost.
Gonçalves-Pinho, Manuel; Santos, João V; Costa, Antónia; Costa-Pereira, Altamiro; Freitas, Alberto
Legal abortion based purely in maternal option without fetal/maternal pathology was liberalised in Portugal in 2007 and since then abortion rates have increased substantially. The aim of this paper was to study the impact of the liberalisation of abortion by maternal request on total legal abortion related hospitalisation trends. We considered hospitalisations of legal abortion (ICD-9-CM codes 635.x) with discharges from 2000 to 2014. Data was obtained from a Portuguese administrative database, which contains all registered public hospitalisations in mainland Portugal. Performed legal abortions during the same period were obtained from INE (National Statistics Institute). Hospitalisations per abortion were calculated by dividing the number of legal abortions hospitalisations per the number of legal abortions, mean ages, number of hospitalisations per age group, complications, admission type and length of stay were also analysed, throughout the study period. Hospitalisations rose during the study period, (from 618 episodes in 2000 to 1,259 in 2014, with a peak of 1,603 in 2010). Since the liberalisation law was passed there was a significant decrease in the number of hospitalisations per abortion: from 1.07 in 2000 to 0.11 in 2014 (p<0.001). Furthermore, the mean age maintained stable since liberalisation (30.8 years before 2007 and 31.0 after). Abortion related hospitalisations are more frequent in women aged 25-39. A significant decrease from the emergent to the scheduled type of admission occurred from 2000 to 2014 (from 83.5% to 56.7% of emergent admissions) (p<0.001). Complications remained stable between 2000 and 2014 and delayed or excessive haemorrhage was the most frequent (4.6%). Since the liberalisation, hospitalisations per abortion have decreased, reflecting the major impact that the liberalisation of legal abortion by maternal request had on abortion trends nationwide. Before the liberalisation, each abortion led to approximately one hospitalisation
An abortion is a procedure to end a pregnancy. It uses medicine or surgery to remove the embryo or ... personal. If you are thinking of having an abortion, most health care providers advise counseling.
OBJECTIVES: This study examined the effects of parental involvement laws on the birth rate, in-state abortion rate, odds of interstate travel, and odds of late abortion for minors. METHODS: Poisson and logistic regression models fitted to vital records compared the periods before and after the laws were enforced. RESULTS: In each state, the in-state abortion rate for minors fell (relative to the rate for older women) when parental involvement laws took effect. Data offered no empirical support for the proposition that the laws drive up birth rates for minors. Although data were incomplete, the laws appeared to increase the odds of a minor's traveling out of state for her abortion. If one judges from the available data, minors who traveled out of state may have accounted for the entire observed decline in the in-state abortion rate, at least in Missouri. The laws appeared to delay minors' abortions past the eighth week, but probably not into the second trimester. CONCLUSIONS: Several empirical arguments used against and in support of parental involvement laws do not appear to be substantiated. PMID:9279279
Shapiro, Gilla K
Religion plays a significant role in a patient’s bioethical decision to have an abortion as well as in a country’s abortion policy. Nevertheless, a holistic understanding of the Islamic position remains under-researched. This study first conducted a detailed and systematic analysis of Islam’s position towards abortion through examining the most authoritative biblical texts (i.e. the Quran and Sunnah) as well as other informative factors (i.e. contemporary fatwas, Islamic mysticism and broader Islamic principles, interest groups, and transnational Islamic organizations). Although Islamic jurisprudence does not encourage abortion, there is no direct biblical prohibition. Positions on abortion are notably variable, and many religious scholars permit abortion in particular circumstances during specific stages of gestational development. It is generally agreed that the least blameworthy abortion is when the life of the pregnant woman is threatened and when 120 days have not lapsed; however, there is remarkable heterogeneity in regards to other circumstances (e.g. preserving physical or mental health, foetal impairment, rape, or social or economic reasons), and later gestational development of the foetus. This study secondly conducted a cross-country examination of abortion rights in Muslim-majority countries. A predominantly conservative approach was found whereby 18 of 47 countries do not allow abortion under any circumstances besides saving the life of the pregnant woman. Nevertheless, there was substantial diversity between countries, and 10 countries allowed abortion ‘on request’. Discursive elements that may enable policy development in Muslim-majority countries as well as future research that may enhance the study of abortion rights are discussed. Particularly, more lenient abortion laws may be achieved through disabusing individuals that the most authoritative texts unambiguously oppose abortion, highlighting more lenient interpretations that exist in
Lamanna, M A
Since abortion is an important aspect of women's control over reproduction, barriers to abortion threaten women's efforts to attain equality. The ensuing discussion rests upon 2 assumptions: 1) That women want and need control over their reproductive capacity, and 2) that women want personal access to abortion and desire the availability of abortion to women generally. Under Roe v. Wade, abortions can only be performed if physicians choose to do them; this has left 4/5ths of US counties without an abortion provider. Roe neither compelled the availability of abortion services to all interested women, nor did it establish a "women's entitlement to an abortion based on her decision... "While the liberal solution in the Law may provide formal new rights, these rights are often ineffective because they fail to address attitudes firmly rooted in the social structure. Feminists' radical, self-help approach of becoming their own abortion providers offers a limited solution because of 1) geography and regional culture: the "paucity of abortion providers is likely to be replicated for feminist health collectives"; 2) the legal risk in underground institutions; and 3) the woman's choice, i.e., will the tradition-minded women use an alternative medical facility? Finally, "the woman's own decision-making process may be the ultimate barrier to abortion." The high visibility and intense emotions brought to contemporary abortion discussions in the post-Roe era may be far more chilling to individual decision than the relative silence of the 1950s. Psychological, as well as physical, availability of abortion must be kept in mind. For the future, social scientists can provide awareness of the social context in which the legal definition of abortion rights confronts the lives of women.
Pridemore, William Alex; Freilich, Joshua D
Since Roe v. Wade, most states have passed laws either restricting or further protecting reproductive rights. During a wave of anti-abortion violence in the early 1990s, several states also enacted legislation protecting abortion clinics, staff, and patients. One hypothesis drawn from the theoretical literature predicts that these laws provide a deterrent effect and thus fewer anti-abortion crimes in states that protect clinics and reproductive rights. An alternative hypothesis drawn from the literature expects a backlash effect from radical members of the movement and thus more crimes in states with protective legislation. We tested these competing hypotheses by taking advantage of unique data sets that gauge the strength of laws protecting clinics and reproductive rights and that provide self-report victimization data from clinics. Employing logistic regression and controlling for several potential covariates, we found null effects and thus no support for either hypothesis. The null findings were consistent across a number of different types of victimization. Our discussion contextualizes these results in terms of previous research on crimes against abortion providers, discusses alternative explanations for the null findings, and considers the implications for future policy development and research.
Assifi, Anisa R.; Berger, Blair; Tunçalp, Özge; Khosla, Rajat; Ganatra, Bela
Background Incorrect knowledge of laws may affect how women enter the health system or seek services, and it likely contributes to the disconnect between official laws and practical applications of the laws that influence women’s access to safe, legal abortion services. Objective To provide a synthesis of evidence of women’s awareness and knowledge of the legal status of abortion in their country, and the accuracy of women’s knowledge on specific legal grounds and restrictions outlined in a country’s abortion law. Methods A systematic search was carried for articles published between 1980–2015. Quantitative, mixed-method data collection, and objectives related to women’s awareness or knowledge of the abortion law was included. Full texts were assessed, and data extraction done by a single reviewer. Final inclusion for analysis was assessed by two reviewers. The results were synthesised into tables, using narrative synthesis. Results Of the original 3,126 articles, and 16 hand searched citations, 24 studies were included for analysis. Women’s correct general awareness and knowledge of the legal status was less than 50% in nine studies. In six studies, knowledge of legalization/liberalisation ranged between 32.3% - 68.2%. Correct knowledge of abortion on the grounds of rape ranged from 12.8% – 98%, while in the case of incest, ranged from 9.8% - 64.5%. Abortion on the grounds of fetal impairment and gestational limits, varied widely from 7% - 94% and 0% - 89.5% respectively. Conclusion This systematic review synthesizes literature on women’s awareness and knowledge of the abortion law in their own context. The findings show that correct general awareness and knowledge of the abortion law and legal grounds and restrictions amongst women was limited, even in countries where the laws were liberal. Thus, interventions to disseminate accurate information on the legal context are necessary. PMID:27010629
Mercier, Rebecca J; Buchbinder, Mara; Bryant, Amy; Britton, Laura
Abortion laws are proliferating in the United States, but little is known about their impact on abortion providers. In 2011, North Carolina instituted the Woman's Right to Know (WRTK) Act, which mandates a 24-h waiting period and counseling with state-prescribed information prior to abortion. We performed a qualitative study to explore the experiences of abortion providers practicing under this law. We conducted semistructured interviews with 31 abortion providers (17 physicians, 9 nurses, 1 physician assistant, 1 counselor and 3 clinic administrators) in North Carolina. Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed. Interview transcripts were analyzed using a grounded theory approach. We identified emergent themes, coded all transcripts and developed a thematic framework. Two major themes define provider experiences with the WRTK law: provider objections/challenges and provider adaptations. Most providers described the law in negative terms, though providers varied in the extent to which they were affected. Many providers described extensive alterations in clinic practices to balance compliance with minimization of burdens for patients. Providers indicated that biased language and inappropriate content in counseling can negatively impact the patient-physician relationship by interfering with trust and rapport. Most providers developed verbal strategies to mitigate the emotional impacts for patients. Abortion providers in North Carolina perceive WRTK to have a negative impact on their clinical practice. Compliance is burdensome, and providers perceive potential harm to patients. The overall impact of WRTK is shaped by interaction between the requirements of the law and the adaptations providers make in order to comply with the law while continuing to provide comprehensive abortion care. Laws like WRTK are burdensome for providers. Providers adapt their clinical practices not only to comply with laws but also to minimize the emotional and practical impacts on
The current contribution seeks to start a conversation around our pedagogical practice in respect of abortion law. Centralising the traditional portrayal of abortion law within the medical law curriculum, this essay highlights the privileging of a very particular storyline about abortion. Exploring the terrain in evaluating medical law methodologies, this essay highlights the illusion of 'balance', 'objectivity', and 'neutrality' that emerges from current pedagogy in light of how abortion law is framed and in particular what is excluded: women's own voices. Focusing on a number of 'exclusions' and 'silences' and noting how closely these mirror dominant discourse in the public sphere, this essay highlights the irony of a curriculum that reflects, rather than challenges, these discursive gaps. Arguing that the setting of a curriculum is inevitably political, ambitions for delivering a programme around abortion that is 'neutral', 'objective', or 'balanced' are dismissed. Instead, highlighting the problems of what is currently excluded, how materials are ordered, and the tacit hierarchies that lend legitimacy and authority to a particular way of 'knowing' abortion, this essay argues for a new curriculum and a new storyline-one which is supported by prior learning in feminist legal scholarship and a medical law curriculum in which the social, historical, geographical, and above all, personal is ever-present and central. © The Author 2017. Published by Oxford University Press; all rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: firstname.lastname@example.org.
The Alan Guttmacher Institute's State Reproductive Health Monitor "Legislative Proposals and Actions" provides US legislative information on abortion. The listing contains information on pending bills: the state, the identifying legislative number, the sponsor, the committee, the date the bill was introduced, a description of the bill, and when available the bill's status. The bills cover: 1) clinic licensing, e.g., requiring outpatient health care facilities in which abortions are performed, to have malpractice liability insurance; 2) comprehensive statues, which require parental notification before minor may obtain abortions, mandate abortion counseling to all women 24 hours before the abortion can be performed and prohibit disciplining or discharging a state employee for refusing to provide abortion counseling; 3) fetal personhood and rights, e.g. providing that life is vested in each person at fertilization; 4) fetal research and remains; 5) gender of fetus, which regulate abortions relative to sex selection in pregnancies; 6) harassment regulation; 7) informed consent and waiting periods detailing the risks and alternatives to abortion, and the 24-hour waiting period; 8) insurance coverage, e.g., eliminating language banning the coverage of abortions for state workers, and prohibiting disclosure by a health insurance carrier to the employer of a claimant that the claimant had a surgical abortion; 9) legality of abortion, urging Congress to reject he Freedom of Choice Act; 10) parental consent and notification; 11) postviability requirements; 12) public funding; 13) reporting requirements; 14) reproductive rights, and 15) spousal and paternal consent and notification.
White, Kari; Grossman, Daniel; Stevenson, Amanda Jean; Hopkins, Kristine; Potter, Joseph E
The objective was to assess whether information about abortion safety and awareness of abortion laws affect voters' opinions about medically unnecessary abortion regulations. Between May and June 2016, we randomized 1200 Texas voters to receive or not receive information describing the safety of office-based abortion care during an online survey about abortion laws using simple random assignment. We compared the association between receiving safety information and awareness of recent restrictions and beliefs that ambulatory surgical center (ASC) requirements for abortion facilities and hospital admitting privileges requirements for physicians would make abortion safer. We used Poisson regression, adjusting for political affiliation and views on abortion. Of 1200 surveyed participants, 1183 had complete data for analysis: 612 in the information group and 571 in the comparison group. Overall, 259 (46%) in the information group and 298 (56%) in the comparison group believed that the ASC requirement would improve abortion safety (p=.008); 230 (41%) in the information group and 285 (54%) in the comparison group believed that admitting privileges would make abortion safer (p<.001). After multivariable adjustment, the information group was less likely to report that the ASC [prevalence ratio (PR): 0.82; 95% confidence interval (CI): 0.72-0.94] and admitting privileges requirements (PR: 0.76; 95% CI: 0.65-0.88) would improve safety. Participants who identified as conservative Republicans were more likely to report that the ASC (82%) and admitting privileges requirements (83%) would make abortion safer if they had heard of the provisions than if they were unaware of them (ASC: 52%; admitting privileges: 47%; all p<.001). Informational statements reduced perceptions that restrictive laws make abortion safer. Voters' prior awareness of the requirements also was associated with their beliefs. Informational messages can shift scientifically unfounded views about abortion safety
Daniel, Sara; Cloud, Lindsay K.
Objectives. To compare the prevalence and characteristics of facility laws governing abortion provision specifically (targeted regulation of abortion providers [TRAP] laws); office-based surgeries, procedures, sedation or anesthesia (office interventions) generally (OBS laws); and other procedures specifically. Methods. We conducted cross-sectional legal assessments of state facility laws for office interventions in effect as of August 1, 2016. We coded characteristics for each law and compared characteristics across categories of laws. Results. TRAP laws (n = 55; in 34 states) were more prevalent than OBS laws (n = 25; in 25 states) or laws targeting other procedures (n = 1; in 1 state). TRAP laws often regulated facilities that would not be regulated under OBS laws (e.g., all TRAP laws, but only 2 OBS laws, applied regardless of sedation or anesthesia used). TRAP laws imposed more numerous and more stringent requirements than OBS laws. Conclusions. Many states regulate abortion-providing facilities differently, and more stringently, than facilities providing other office interventions. The Supreme Court’s 2016 decision in Whole Woman’s Health v Hellerstedt casts doubt on the legitimacy of that differential treatment. PMID:29470114
Hodgkinson, Sarah; Prins, Herschel
This contribution is a sequel to an earlier paper in the journal by the second author. It examines the Government's remit to the Law Commission to suggest revision to the law relating to homicide, and the eventual somewhat muted implementation in the Coroners and Justice Act of 2009. These changes to the law of homicide, and more specifically the revisions to the partial defences of diminished responsibility and provocation, are critically reviewed, and are discussed in light of the future of homicide law reform. It is argued that more radical reform to the substantive law of homicide is needed, but this article also discusses the problems of implementing this more radical reform given the Government's reluctance to remove the mandatory life sentence for murder.
Singer, Elyse Ona
The Catholic Hierarchy unequivocally bans abortion, defining it as a mortal sin. In Mexico City, where the Catholic Church wields considerable political and popular power, abortion was recently decriminalized in a historic vote. Of the roughly 170,000 abortions that have been carried out in Mexico City's new public sector abortion program to date, more than 60% were among self-reported Catholic women. Drawing on eighteen months of fieldwork, including interviews with 34 Catholic patients, this article examines how Catholic women in Mexico City grapple with abortion decisions that contravene Church teachings in the context of recent abortion reform. Catholic women consistently leveraged the local cultural, economic, and legal context to morally justify their abortion decisions against church condemnation. I argue that Catholic women seeking abortion resist religious injunctions on their reproductive behavior by articulating and asserting their own moral agency grounded in the contextual dimensions of their lives. My analysis informs conversations in medical anthropology on moral decision-making around reproduction and on local dynamics of resistance to reproductive governance. Moreover, my findings speak to the deficiencies of a feminist vision focused narrowly on fertility limitation, versus an expanded framework of reproductive justice that considers as well the need for conditions of income equality and structural supports to facilitate reproduction and parenting among women who desire to keep their pregnancies.
Sollom, T; Donovan, P
65 laws relating to fertility were enacted by the 49 state legislatures that held sessions in 1985. This was the largest enacted since 1973, and the 2nd largest total since. Some of the 1985 abortion laws are designed to protect abortion rights. Several states in the US took action to severely punish the perpetrators of violence against abortion clinics. Lesislation dealing with the delivery of family planning services was subjected to public funding restrictions in 1985. Attempts have been made recently on the federal level to prevent Title X recipients from being provided with information on abortion in their pregnancy counseling sessions. These actions are similar to some of the state laws attempting to reach the same end. Many states included funds for family planning in general appropriations bills. Differences among legislators regarding the right of minors to consent to reproductive health care have led to 2 patterns of response: 1) affirmation of the right of minors to receive family planning services on their own consent; or 2) laws mandating parental involvement in a minor's abortion decision. The most troubling aspect of the fertility related legislation endated in 1985 is the effort by a number of legislatures to attach restrictions on abortion counseling and referral to family planning appropriations bills. In 1985, state laws were enacted to regulate the disposal of fetal remains, to prohibit the use of fetal remains for commercial purposes and to impose criminal sanctions for causing the miscarriage of a fetus during a felony.
Thapa, Shyam; Sharma, Sharad K
In Nepal, following the liberalization of the abortion law, expansion and scaling up of services proceeded in parallel with efforts to create awareness of the legalization status of abortion and provide women with information about where services are available. This article assesses the effectiveness of these programmatic interventions in the early years of the country's abortion program. Data from a 2006 national survey are analyzed with 2 outcome measures-awareness of the legal status of abortion and knowledge of places to obtain abortion services among women ages 15 to 44 years. The variations in the outcomes are analyzed by ecological-development subregion, residence, education, household wealth quintile, age, and number of living children. Bivariate and multivariate logistic regression techniques are used. Overall 32.3% (95% confidence interval = 31.4% to 33.2%) of the respondents were aware of the legal status of abortion and 56.5% (95% confidence interval = 55.5% to 57.4%) knew of a place where they could obtain an abortion. Both outcome measures showed considerable variations by the covariates. Women with secondary or higher level of education had the highest odds ratio of being aware of the law and having knowledge of a source for abortion services. Ecological-development subregions showed the second highest levels of odds ratios. Significant disparities among the population subgroups existed in the diffusion of awareness of the legal status of abortion and having knowledge of a place for abortion services in Nepal. The results point to which population subgroups to focus on and also serve as a baseline for assessing future progress in the diffusion process. © 2012 APJPH.
There are various ways to critically discuss abortion. Constructing or finding the most suitable analytical framework-whether rooted in legal formalism, socio-legal considerations, or comparativism-always depends on the country of subject and whether the analysis is for litigation, advocacy, or more theoretical purposes. This paper offers a model for analyzing abortion in Estonia in order to connect it as a thought-provoking case study to the ongoing transnational abortion discussions. I set out by describing the Estonian Abortion Act as a "good abortion law": a regulation that guarantees in practice women's legal access to safe abortion. Despite this functioning law, I carve a space for criticism by expanding the conversation to the broader power relations and gender dynamics present in Estonian society. Accordingly, I explain the state of the Estonian feminist movement and gender research, the local legal community's minimal engagement with the reproductive rights discourse, and the lingering Soviet-era narratives of reproduction and health, which were not fully extinguished by the combination of human rights commitments and neoliberalism upon restoration of independence in the early 1990s. I consequently show that Estonia's liberal abortion regulation is not grounded in a sufficiently deep understanding of human rights-based approaches to reproductive health, therefore leaving the door open for micro-aggressions toward women and for conservative political winds to gain ground.
Gebrehiwot, Yirgu; Fetters, Tamara; Gebreselassie, Hailemichael; Moore, Ann; Hailemariam, Mengistu; Dibaba, Yohannes; Bankole, Akinrinola; Getachew, Yonas
CONTEXT In Ethiopia, liberalization of the abortion law in 2005 led to changes in abortion services. It is important to examine how levels and types of abortion care—i.e., legal abortion and treatment of abortion complications—changed over time. METHODS Between December 2013 and May 2014, data were collected on symptoms, procedures and treatment from 5,604 women who sought abortion care at a sample of 439 public and private health facilities; the sample did not include lower-level private facilities—some of which provide abortion care—to maintain comparability with the sample from a 2008 study. These data were combined with monitoring data from 105,806 women treated in 74 nongovernmental organization facilities in 2013. Descriptive analyses were conducted and annual estimates were calculated to compare the numbers and types of abortion care services provided in 2008 and 2014. RESULTS The estimated annual number of women seeking a legal abortion in the types of facilities sampled increased from 158,000 in 2008 to 220,000 in 2014, and the estimated number presenting for postabortion care increased from 58,000 to 125,000. The proportion of abortion care provided in the public sector increased from 36% to 56% nationally. The proportion of women presenting for postabortion care who had severe complications rose from 7% to 11%, the share of all abortion procedures accounted for by medical abortion increased from 0% to 36%, and the proportion of abortion care provided by midlevel health workers increased from 48% to 83%. Most women received postabortion contraception. CONCLUSIONS Ethiopia has made substantial progress in expanding comprehensive abortion care; however, eradication of morbidity from unsafe abortion has not yet been achieved. PMID:28825903
By mid-2004, Parliaments in each Australian jurisdiction will either complete or will be in the process of partial codification of the law of torts. The reforms, including those to the law of negligence, are extensive. This article focuses on codification of the law of causation as an element of the cause of action in negligence. It examines the background to "tort reform", as the process has been labelled, and discusses the common law paradigm of negligence and various approaches to causation. It then analyses and compares the causation provisions in each jurisdiction.
Bonnen, Kristine Ivalu; Tuijje, Dereje Negussie; Rasch, Vibeke
In 2005 Ethiopia took the important step to protect women's reproductive health by liberalizing the abortion law. As a result women were given access to safe pregnancy termination in first and second trimester. This study aims to describe socio-economic characteristics and contraceptive experience among women seeking abortion in Jimma, Ethiopia and to describe determinants of second trimester abortion. A cross-sectional study conducted October 2011 - April 2012 in Jimma Town, Ethiopia among women having safely induced abortion and women having unsafely induced abortion. In all 808 safe abortion cases and 21 unsafe abortion cases were included in the study. Of the 829 abortions, 729 were first trimester and 100 were second trimester abortions. Bivariate and multivariate logistic regressions were used to determine risk factors associated with second trimester abortion. The associations are presented as odds ratios (OR) with 95% confidential intervals. Age stratified analyses of contraceptive experience among women with first and second trimester abortions are also presented. Socio-economic characteristics associated with increased ORs of second trimester abortion were: age < 19 years, being single, widowed or divorced, attending school, being unemployment, being nullipara or para 3+, and having low education. The contraceptive prevalence rate varied across age groups and was particularly low among young girls and young women experiencing second trimester abortion where only 15% and 19% stated they had ever used contraception. Young age, poor education and the prospect of single parenthood were associated with second trimester abortion. Young girls and young women were using contraception comparatively less often than older women. To ensure women full right to control their fertility in the setting studied, modern contraception should be made available, accessible and affordable for all women, regardless of age.
Upadhyay, Ushma D; Kimport, Katrina; Belusa, Elise K O; Johns, Nicole E; Laube, Douglas W; Roberts, Sarah C M
Since mid-2013, Wisconsin abortion providers have been legally required to display and describe pre-abortion ultrasound images. We aimed to understand the impact of this law. We used a mixed-methods study design at an abortion facility in Wisconsin. We abstracted data from medical charts one year before the law to one year after and used multivariable models, mediation/moderation analysis, and interrupted time series to assess the impact of the law, viewing, and decision certainty on likelihood of continuing the pregnancy. We conducted in-depth interviews with women in the post-law period about their ultrasound experience and analyzed them using elaborative and modified grounded theory. A total of 5342 charts were abstracted; 8.7% continued their pregnancies pre-law and 11.2% post-law (p = 0.002). A multivariable model confirmed the law was associated with higher odds of continuing pregnancy (aOR = 1.23, 95% CI: 1.01-1.50). Decision certainty (aOR = 6.39, 95% CI: 4.72-8.64) and having to pay fully out of pocket (aOR = 4.98, 95% CI: 3.86-6.41) were most strongly associated with continuing pregnancy. Ultrasound viewing fully mediated the relationship between the law and continuing pregnancy. Interrupted time series analyses found no significant effect of the law but may have been underpowered to detect such a small effect. Nineteen of twenty-three women interviewed viewed their ultrasound image. Most reported no impact on their abortion decision; five reported a temporary emotional impact or increased certainty about choosing abortion. Two women reported that viewing helped them decide to continue the pregnancy; both also described preexisting decision uncertainty. This law caused an increase in viewing rates and a statistically significant but small increase in continuing pregnancy rates. However, the majority of women were certain of their abortion decision and the law did not change their decision. Other factors were more significant in women's decision
Kimport, Katrina; Belusa, Elise K. O.; Johns, Nicole E.; Laube, Douglas W.; Roberts, Sarah C. M.
Background Since mid-2013, Wisconsin abortion providers have been legally required to display and describe pre-abortion ultrasound images. We aimed to understand the impact of this law. Methods We used a mixed-methods study design at an abortion facility in Wisconsin. We abstracted data from medical charts one year before the law to one year after and used multivariable models, mediation/moderation analysis, and interrupted time series to assess the impact of the law, viewing, and decision certainty on likelihood of continuing the pregnancy. We conducted in-depth interviews with women in the post-law period about their ultrasound experience and analyzed them using elaborative and modified grounded theory. Results A total of 5342 charts were abstracted; 8.7% continued their pregnancies pre-law and 11.2% post-law (p = 0.002). A multivariable model confirmed the law was associated with higher odds of continuing pregnancy (aOR = 1.23, 95% CI: 1.01–1.50). Decision certainty (aOR = 6.39, 95% CI: 4.72–8.64) and having to pay fully out of pocket (aOR = 4.98, 95% CI: 3.86–6.41) were most strongly associated with continuing pregnancy. Ultrasound viewing fully mediated the relationship between the law and continuing pregnancy. Interrupted time series analyses found no significant effect of the law but may have been underpowered to detect such a small effect. Nineteen of twenty-three women interviewed viewed their ultrasound image. Most reported no impact on their abortion decision; five reported a temporary emotional impact or increased certainty about choosing abortion. Two women reported that viewing helped them decide to continue the pregnancy; both also described preexisting decision uncertainty. Conclusions This law caused an increase in viewing rates and a statistically significant but small increase in continuing pregnancy rates. However, the majority of women were certain of their abortion decision and the law did not change their decision. Other factors were
American Enterprise Inst. for Public Policy Research, Washington, DC.
Arguments for and against the major legislative proposals pertaining to the reform of the nonbroadcast part of the nation's telecommunications law which are pending before the 96th Congress are analyzed. Background information is given regarding (1) the structure of the domestic telecommunications industry, (2) the regulatory authority which…
Objective Over the past five years, Texas has become a hotbed of debate on abortion rights and restrictions. Legislation in 2011 and 2013 made it more difficult for women to obtain abortions and for clinics to provide the procedure, laws which have resulted in practical obstacles and the closure of clinics. Less is known about whether that political activity has extended to public opinion on abortion in Texas, especially in the national context of increasing partisanship. Study Design Data from the cross-sectional Houston Area Survey (HAS; n = 4,856) were used to compare attitudes about abortion at three time points: in 2010 before the major waves of legislation, in 2012 after the 2011 legislation, and in 2014 after the 2013 legislation. Logistic regressions estimated support for legal abortion over time, after adjusting for personal characteristics, views on other social issues, religiosity, political party identification, and political ideology. Results At all three time points studied, slightly more than half of Houstonians supported legal abortion for any reason a woman wanted to obtain one. Compared to 2010, support was significantly higher in 2012 and 2014, whereas the decline in support between 2012 and 2014 was not statistically significant after adjusting for religiosity and politics. Conclusions This study identified increased public support for legal abortion following the Texas state legislature’s restrictive laws in 2011 and 2013. Implications As the Texas legislature increasingly restricts access to abortion, residents of the state’s largest and most diverse city do not hold attitudes in line with those restrictions. Clinicians may thus have more public support for their services than the divided political climate would suggest. PMID:27318007
MacAfee, Lauren; Castle, Jennifer; Theiler, Regan N
To assess the association of the 2012 New Hampshire parental notification law with patterns of abortion in northern New England minors. This was a retrospective cohort study examining all minors undergoing abortions at Planned Parenthood clinics in Vermont, New Hampshire, and Maine from 2011 to 2012. The number of abortions among minors in New Hampshire decreased from 95 to 50 (47%, 95% confidence interval [CI] 37.03-57.88; P=.015) from 2011 to 2012. Minors residing in Massachusetts, which has a parental consent law, accounted for 62% of this change. Abortions among New Hampshire minors decreased by 19% (from 57 to 46, 95% CI 10.05-31.91; P=.707), and minors did not seek more abortions at Planned Parenthood clinics in Vermont or Maine. The average age, gestational age, and number of second-trimester cases did not change. Parental awareness of the abortion increased from 2011 to 2012 in New Hampshire (54%, 95% CI 44.21-63.96 to 92%, 95% CI 80.65-97.36; P<.001); however, there was no difference in the overall rate of adult involvement during the study period. Four (8%) minors in New Hampshire used the judicial bypass option. Implementation of the New Hampshire parental notification law correlated with a decrease in minors undergoing abortions at Planned Parenthood clinics in the state, largely as a result of a decrease in the number of minors coming from Massachusetts. There was an increase in parental involvement but no change in overall adult involvement, and use of the judicial bypass option or minors crossing state lines was uncommon.
Nunes, J P
Abortion is the interruption of a dynamic process in a final and irreversible form. The legalization of abortion is applied to human ontogenesis, that is, the development of the human being. However, the embryo that is growing in the uterus is not a human being because a human being is a complex organism with differentiated systems, its own identity and intrinsic autonomy in its process of development. There are basically four levels of the analysis of the problem of abortion: 1) fundamental emotional arguments; 2) profound ignorance of technical and scientific facts; 3) rational positions obfuscated by the dramatic intensity of everyday situations; and 4) the conjunction of deliberated position where culpability is avoided with solidarity for all subjects of the process with a socially oriented view. The phenomenon of abortion from an epidemiological point of view summons the facts with which it is associated: poverty, illiteracy, shortage or lack of community health resources, absence of centers for adolescents, degradation of the environment, and precariousness of employment.
Weiler, Hans N.
As this paper demonstrates, studying abortive educational reforms reveals a great deal about the complex political dynamics involved in making (and unmaking) key policy decisions. Using case studies of France and West Germany, the paper argues that the state in advanced industrial countries tends to maximize the political gains derived from…
Banwell, S S; Paxman, J M
The advent of RU 486 (mifepristone), a steroid analogue capable of inducing menses within 8 to 10 weeks of a missed menstrual period, has provoked a firestorm of concern and controversy. When used in conjunction with prostaglandin (RU 486/PG), it is at least 95% effective. Used in France principally to terminate confirmed pregnancies very early in the process of gestation, RU 486 raises many interesting legal questions. This article focuses on whether and how RU 486/PG can be accommodated within the framework of the world's current abortion laws. Four avenues are explored and conclusions drawn. First, it is clear that RU 486/PG can be used readily, if approved, within the regimens established by liberal abortion laws, as has been the experience in France, the United Kingdom, and even China. Second, although unlikely, the introduction of this new technology may inspire a reexamination of restrictive abortion statutes themselves. Third, some of the presently restrictive laws may be interpreted to permit RU 486/PG use as a legal procedure, for a very narrow range of reasons. Finally, in some settings the early use of RU 486/PG (before pregnancy can be confirmed) may fall outside the reach of abortion legislation and hence be acceptable from a legal point of view. PMID:1415870
Muzeyen, R; Ayichiluhm, M; Manyazewal, T
To assess women's knowledge and attitude toward Ethiopian current abortion law. A quantitative, community-based cross-sectional survey. Women of reproductive age in three selected lower districts in Bahir Dar, North-West Ethiopia, were included. Multi-stage simple random sampling and simple random sampling were used to select the districts and respondents, respectively. Data were collected using a structured questionnaire comprising questions related to knowledge and attitude toward legal status of abortion and cases where abortion is currently allowed by law in Ethiopia. Descriptive statistics were used to summarize the data and multivariable logistic regression computed to assess the magnitude and significance of associations. Of 845 eligible women selected, 774 (92%) consented to participate and completed the interview. A total of 512 (66%) women were aware of the legal status of the Ethiopian abortion law and their primary sources of information were electronic media such as television and radio (43%) followed by healthcare providers (38.7%). Among women with awareness of the law, 293 (57.2%) were poor in knowledge, 188 (36.7%) fairly knowledgeable, and 31 (6.1%) good in knowledge about the cases where abortion is allowed by law. Of the total 774 women included, 438 (56.5%) hold liberal and 336 (43.5%) conservative attitude toward legalization of abortion. In the multivariable logistic regression, age had a significant association with knowledge, whereas occupation had a significant association with attitude toward the law. Women who had poor knowledge toward the law were more likely to have conservative attitude toward the law (adjusted odds ratio, 0.40; 95% confidence interval, 0.23-0.61). Though the Ethiopian criminal code legalized abortion under certain circumstances since 2005, a significant number of women knew little about the law and several protested legalization of abortion. Countries such as Ethiopia with high maternal mortality records need to lift
Fuentes, Liza; Lebenkoff, Sharon; White, Kari; Gerdts, Caitlin; Hopkins, Kristine; Potter, Joseph E; Grossman, Daniel
In 2013, Texas passed legislation restricting abortion services. Almost half of the state's clinics had closed by April 2014, and there was a 13% decline in abortions in the 6 months after the first portions of the law went into effect, compared to the same period 1 year prior. We aimed to describe women's experiences seeking abortion care shortly after clinics closed and document pregnancy outcomes of women affected by these closures. Between November 2013 and November 2014, we recruited women who sought abortion care at Texas clinics that were no longer providing services. Some participants had appointments scheduled at clinics that stopped offering care when the law went into effect; others called seeking care at clinics that had closed. Texas resident women seeking abortion in Albuquerque, New Mexico, were also recruited. We conducted 23 in-depth interviews and performed a thematic analysis. As a result of clinic closures, women experienced confusion about where to go for abortion services, and most reported increased cost and travel time to obtain care. Having to travel farther for care also compromised their privacy. Eight women were delayed more than 1 week, two did not receive care until they were more than 12 weeks pregnant and two did not obtain their desired abortion at all. Five women considered self-inducing the abortion, but none attempted this. The clinic closures resulted in multiple barriers to care, leading to delayed abortion care for some and preventing others from having the abortion they wanted. The restrictions on abortion facilities that resulted in the closure of clinics in Texas created significant burdens on women that prevented them from having desired abortions. These laws may also adversely affect public health by moving women who would have had abortions in the first trimester to having second-trimester procedures. Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Suranga, M S; Silva, K T; Senanayake, L
Abortion is legally permitted in Sri Lanka, only if it is performed to save the mother’s life. However, it is estimated that a large number of induced abortions take place in Sri Lanka. Knowledge and attitudes towards induced abortion in the society are key issues influencing the policy response towards changes in the law. This study aimed to assess the knowledge and attitudes of adults towards induced abortion in Sri Lanka. Six Grama Niladhari Divisions (GNDs) and five to eight housing clusters from each GND were selected from Thimbirigasyaya Divisional Secretariat Division using multi stage stratified random sampling. Fifty households were systematically selected from each GND. An interview was scheduled among 743 residents aged between 19 to 49 years of age after receiving written informed consent. Only 11% of the respondents knew the situations in which abortion was legal in Sri Lanka. Approximately one tenth of the respondents (11%) did not agree with the current law which allows an induced abortion only to save the life of the mother. However, a majority agreed to legalization of abortion for rape (65%), incest (55%) and pregnancies with lethal fetal abnormalities (53%). Less than one tenth of respondents agreed with legalisation of induced abortion for other reasons such as con-traceptive failure (6%), poor economic conditions (7%) and, on request (4%). Although the society rejects abortion on request majority are in favour of allowing abortions for rape, incest and fetuses with lethal abnormalities.
Having read Professor Peter Huntingford's letter (25 August, p 496), I am more convinced than ever that reduction to the simplest possible terms will always clarify an issue, and I am at one with him in deploring the terms "serious," "grave," and "substantial." His last paragraph approximates to such clarify when he says "the right of women to choose freely whether or not they bear a child"--but I fear that the phrase is slanted and ignores an essential ingredient in the abortive act. Whereas the secondary effect of abortion is certainly that the woman will not bear a child, the primary effect is the killing of that child, admittedly small and defenceless. Maybe there are many who will seek to justify the killing of their fellow members of the human race on the grounds that they are not wanted, or might be handicapped; if so, let them proclaim these views "in good set terms." But if the principle of getting rid of the unwanted by killing them is to expand its application further, who among us will be safe when someone else can decide our fate? Even the advocates of euthanasia usually insist that it be voluntary. Who yet has asked a fetus whether it wants to live or be killed?
Yarmohammadi, Hassan; Zargaran, Arman; Vatanpour, Azadeh; Abedini, Ehsan; Adhami, Siamak
Since the dawn of medicine, medical rights and ethics have always been one of mankind's concerns. In any civilisation, attention paid to medical laws and ethics depends on the progress of human values and the advancement of medical science. The history of various civilisations teaches that each had its own views on medical ethics, but most had something in common. Ancient civilisations such as Greece, Rome, or Assyria did not consider the foetus to be alive and therefore to have human rights. In contrast, ancient Persians valued the foetus as a living person equal to others. Accordingly, they brought laws against abortion, even in cases of sexual abuse. Furthermore, abortion was considered to be a murder and punishments were meted out to the mother, father, and the person performing it.
Devreux, A; Ferrand-picard, M
A detailed chronology is provided of events, social movements, and legislative actions taken from the initiation of debate on the liberatlization of abortion legislation in 1970 to the enaction of the permanent law in January 1980. The table is accompanied by a brief text which provides background on the alterations in public perceptions of abortion which preceded efforts to liberalize the abortion laws. Another set of tables refers to the hearings held by the Commission of Cultural, Familial, and Social Affairs of the National Assembly in 1974, at which 154 individuals and representatives of interested organizations aired their views. The tables identify the areas of expertise of the individuals and organizations, the pages in the published report covering their remarks, and the number of speakers representing each medical, juridical, religious, and other organization. A separate table presents the same information for organizations and associations concerning women, the family, procreation, and contraception, while the following table concerns the contents of the 77 pages devoted to "respect for life" organizations. The final table identifies the professions and the pages in the corresponding report of the 15 speakers who represented medical organizations, 11 who represented associations of marriage counselors, family planning workers, and other groups, 7 who represented religious groups, 5 from public agencies, 2 from the National Institute for Demographic Studies, and 2 physicians speaking on their own account at the 1979 hearings to determine whether the law enacted in 1975 should be amended or made permanent.
Flacks, Simon Jonathan
Children are critical to debates about drug law reform. For both advocates of liberalisation and, especially, defenders of prohibition, the protection of children is an important rhetorical device in pressing for, or resisting, change. However, the privileged position of minors within such discussions, or talk about drugs in general, has rarely been explored in any depth in either drug and alcohol studies or legal research. Drawing on scholarship on performativity, and particularly John Law's work on 'collateral realities', this article will consider how constructs such as childhood and drugs are 'produced' and '(re)made' in such discourses. Through analysis of legal measures, policy documents/statements submitted to the UN General Assembly Special Session on Drugs (UNGASS) in 2016, and scientific discussion, it will be argued that such 'realities' include the constitution of the child as the logical victim of drugs (and the natural beneficiary or casualty of reform), and the enactment of drugs as an inherent threat to children. It is suggested that drug policy research needs to pay attention to age as a social construct and cultural category, and that a critical awareness of the relevance of age in policy discourse is as necessary as, for example, race, class or gender. Moreover, attendance to the ontological politics of constructs such as 'childhood' and 'drugs' is important if law and policy measures are to account for young people's agency. Crown Copyright © 2017. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
"Legalised Leadership" explores the links between educational law and law-based reform that have a profound influence on the work and professional life of school headteachers. The book offers lawmakers and policymakers in England some pathways for strengthening the role of leadership in English law-based reform and empowering…
Lara, Diana; Holt, Kelsey; Peña, Melanie; Grossman, Daniel
Low-income women and women of color are disproportionately affected by unintended pregnancy. Lack of knowledge of abortion laws and services is one of several factors likely to hinder access to services, though little research has documented knowledge in this population. Survey with convenience sample of 1,262 women attending primary care or full-scope Ob/Gyn clinics serving low-income populations in three large cities and multivariable analyses with four knowledge outcomes. Among all participants, 53% were first-generation immigrants, 25% identified the correct gestational age limit, 41% identified state parental consent laws, 67% knew partner consent is not required, and 55% knew where to obtain abortion services. In multivariable analysis, first-generation immigrants and primarily Spanish speakers were significantly less likely than higher-generation or primarily English speakers to display correct knowledge. Design and evaluation of strategies to improve knowledge about abortion, particularly among migrant women and non-primary English speakers, is needed.
Huq, M E; Raihan, M J; Shirin, H; Chowdhury, S; Jahan, Y; Chowdhury, A S; Rahman, M M
Abortion is the termination of pregnancy that occurs spontaneously or purposely. In the most developed world, abortion is legally allowed for women seeking safe termination of pregnancies. Particularly, when access to legal abortion is restricted, abortion is the resort to unsafe methods. The aim of this review is to necessitate safe abortion and to accentuate the consequences of illegal abortion in case of legal prohibition. We used Pubmed, MedLine and Scopus databases to review previous literatures of safe, unsafe, legal and illegal abortions. Research work and reports from organizations such as World Health Organization (WHO), World Bank (WB) and United Nations (UN) were included. Snowball sampling was used to obtain relevant journals. Abortion is conventional whether it is safe, unsafe, legal or illegal. The intention of the antiabortion policy was to reduce the number of abortions globally. However, instead of decreasing rates, evidences show significant increase in abortions. When abortion is legal, the preconditions to be ensured are availability, accessibility, affordability and acceptability for the safe abortion facilities. When abortion is illegal, risk reduction strategies are needed to decrease maternal morbidity and mortality. We can reduce abortion related morbidity and mortality, whether it is legal or illegal if we can ensure the appropriate access to health care, including abortion services, education on sexuality, access to contraceptives, post abortion care, and suitable interventions and liberalization of laws. The paper reviewed the Mexico City Policy and the US foreign aid strategies and highlighted the evidence based analysis for policy reform. The liberalized abortion law can save pregnant women from abortion related complications and death.
Labor legislation reforms contained in Law 50 of 1990 were intended to facilitate international opening of Colombia's economy, which has been beset by external debt, an absence of foreign investment, technological backwardness, and low productivity. The weakness of the labor movement, aggravated by the failure of the socialist economic model and its power organization, made possible a dismantling of past labor victories. The labor reform is intended to combat stagnation in productivity which is believed by the government to result from labor instability; to create a climate permitting generation of employment, and to adapt internal labor laws to recommendations of the International Labour Organization. The effort to make labor legislation more flexible and more adaptable to market conditions removed some protectionist measures and facilitated firing or laying off of workers. Several categories of workers were removed from the jurisdiction of labor laws and placed under the jurisdiction of civil law and ultimately of market forces. The new labor law will lead to salary reductions for most workers. A 36-hour work week without overtime was created for new enterprises as a strategy to encourage job creation. The principle that labor laws should protect workers because of their unequal power relative to employers has been suppressed in the new legislation. Although it is too early to draw definite conclusions about the effect of the law on women workers, some effects are predictable. The liberating power of employment for married women has been limited in Colombia as in many other countries because women are expected to carry out their full traditional domestic role in addition to their paid employment. Women's status in the workplace has improved considerably over the past 50 years, but they still have higher unemployment rates than men, receive lower wages, and are concentrated in less skilled jobs and the informal sector. Employment in the informal sector allows
This paper examines the recent developments in underage abortion and related questions in Spanish law. Despite the prevalence of the language of autonomy, like in Britain, children's interests are not defined in Spain by relying exclusively on the competent child's views. Parental opinion and societal expectations are given due weight, although sometimes only implicitly. Calculated ambiguity in legal practice and in the relevant legal texts provides evidence of the pervasive influence of deeply rooted distrust as against clear-cut rules favouring a young person's autonomy.
Dickson, Kim Eva; Jewkes, Rachel K; Brown, Heather; Levin, Jonathan; Rees, Helen; Mavuya, Luyanda
In 1996, South Africa introduced legislation that liberalized women's access to termination of pregnancy. This study presents the findings of a survey undertaken to describe the availability and accessibility of abortion services in 1999, three years after the law was passed. All facilities that had been officially designated to perform these services were contacted by telephone to determine whether they were providing the services, their capacity, whether they were performing second-trimester as well as first-trimester terminations, and how long women had to wait for these services. Nationally, 292 facilities had been designated, but in 1999 only 32 percent were functioning. Of the functioning facilities, 27 percent were in the private sector. Mapping of available services indicated that substantial parts of the country were entirely without such services. Half of the country's induced abortions were being performed in Gauteng province, although only 19 percent of women of reproductive age were living there. This finding indicates that service provision in other provinces was inadequate or lacking. Although in the first years following the new legislation efforts were made to establish abortion services, this study reveals gross inequality in service availability. Strategies for improving coverage are suggested.
labor, and greater consumerism. The legal history of abortion in the US illustrates dramatically that it was doctors, not women, who defined the morality surrounding abortion. Women continue to have to cope with the legacy of this fact. The seemingly benign 2-sphere family of the 19th century cut a deep wound in the human community. Men had public power and authority and were encouraged to be sexual. Women were offered the alternative of being powerful only as sexual beings who could thus enforce a domestic moral order. The legacy of the 2-sphere family continues, but much has changed. By 1973 pressure for reform had led 14 states to liberalize their existing abortin laws, and the US Supreme Court finally ruled that abortion is a private matter between a woman and her doctor. The current problem is that despite new laws and new attitudes toward women and abortion, male dominated and male defined institutions still determine what is possible. Women's right to abortion will never be safe and secure as long as this situation continues.
Biddle, James R.
Heubert's "Law & School Reform Report" is an interdisciplinary exploration of schooling litigation and legislation since 1950. Superficially resembling a primer of successful law-driven reforms, the book actually reveals the great gap between legal victories and educational successes. Child advocacy is needed to redress inequities.…
Medeiros, Robinson Dias de; Azevedo, George Dantas de; Oliveira, Emilly Auxiliadora Almeida de; Araújo, Fábio Aires; Cavalcanti, Francisco Jakson Benigno; Araújo, Gabriela Lucena de; Castro, Igor Rebouças
To analyze and compare the knowledge and opinions of Law and Medical students regarding the issue of abortion in Brazil. This was a cross-sectional study involving 125 graduate students from the class of 2010. Of these, 52 were medical students (MED group) and 73 law students (LAW group). A questionnaire was applied based on published research about the topic. Dependent variables were: monitoring the abortion debate, knowledge concerning situations where abortion is permitted under Brazilian law, opinion about situations that agree with extending legal permission to terminate pregnancy and prior knowledge of someone who has undergone induced abortion. Independent variables were: sex, age, household income and graduation course. χ² and Fisher's exact tests, with the level of significance set at 5%. Most interviewees reported monitoring the debate on abortion in Brazil (67.3% of the MED group and 70.2% of the LAW group, p>0.05). When assessing knowledge on the subject, medical students had a significantly higher percentage of correct answers than law students (100.0 and 87.5%, respectively; p=0.005) regarding the legality of abortion for pregnancies resulting from rape. Elevated percentages of correct responses were also recorded for both groups in relation to pregnancies that threaten the life of the mother (94.2 and 87.5% for MED and LAW groups, respectively), but without statistical significance. A significant percentage of respondents declared they were in favor of extending legal abortion to other situations, primarily in cases of anencephaly (68%), pregnancy severely harming the mother's physical health (42.1%) or that of the fetus in cases of severe congenital malformation (33.7%). Results showed a satisfactory knowledge on the part of law and medical school graduate students regarding the legality of abortion in Brazil, combined with a favorable trend towards extending legal permission to other situations not covered by the law. It is important to
Levels, Mark; Sluiter, Roderick; Need, Ariana
The extent to which women have had access to legal abortions has changed dramatically in Western-Europe between 1960 and 2010. In most countries, abortion laws developed from completely banning abortion to allowing its availability on request. Both the timing and the substance of the various legal developments differed dramatically between countries. Existing comparative studies on abortion laws in Western-European countries lack detail, usually focus either on first-trimester abortions or second trimester abortions, cover a limited time-span and are sometimes inconsistent with one another. Combining information from various primary and secondary sources, we show how and when the conditions for legally obtaining abortion during the entire gestation period in 20 major Western-European countries have changed between 1960 and 2010. We also construct a cross-nationally comparable classification of procedural barriers that limit abortion access. Our cross-national comparison shows that Western-Europe witnessed a general trend towards decreased restrictiveness of abortion laws. However, legal approaches to regulating abortion are highly different in detail. Abortion access remains limited, sometimes even in countries where abortion is legally available without restrictions relating to reasons. Copyright © 2014 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Singh, M; Jha, R
To see whether advocacy for abortion law and comprehensive abortion care (CAC) sites after legalization of abortion in Nepal is adequate among educated people (above school leaving certificate). 150 participants were assigned randomly who agreed to be in the survey and were given structured questionnaires to find out their perception of abortion and CAC sites. Majority know abortion is legalized and majority have positive attitude about legalization of abortion, however majority are not aware of abortion service in CAC sites and none knew the cost of abortion service. Proper and adequate advocacy of the new abortion law and CAC service is essential.
Abortion is common. Data on abortion rates are inexact but can be used to explore trends. Globally, the estimated rate in the period 2010-2014 was 35 abortions per 1000 women (aged 15-44 years), five points less than the rate of 40 for the period 1990-1994. Abortion laws vary around the world but are generally more restrictive in developing countries. Restrictive laws do not necessarily deter women from seeking abortion but often lead to unsafe practice with significant mortality and morbidity. While a legal framework for abortion is a prerequisite for availability, many laws, which are not evidence based, restrict availability and delay access. Abortion should be available in the interests of public health and any legal framework should be as permissive as possible in order to promote access. In the absence of legal access, harm reduction strategies are needed to reduce abortion-related mortality and morbidity. Abortion can be performed surgically (in the first trimester, by manual or electric vacuum aspiration) or with medication: both are safe and effective. Cervical priming facilitates surgery and reduces the risk of incomplete abortion. Diagnosis of incomplete abortion should be made on clinical grounds, not by ultrasound. Septic abortion is a common cause of maternal death almost always following unsafe abortion and thus largely preventable. While routine follow-up after abortion is unnecessary, all women should be offered a contraceptive method immediately after the abortion. This, together with improved education and other interventions, may succeed in reducing unintended pregnancy. © The Author 2017. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the European Society of Human Reproduction and Embryology. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please e-mail: email@example.com.
This document contains the provisions of Venezuela's 1986 Law of Partial Reform of the Organic Law of the Central Administration which sets out the activities of the newly created Ministry of the Family. The duties of the Ministry include protecting the family as a basic cell of society, protecting marriage, facilitating the acquisition of decent housing, formulating and directing state family policy, creating a General Plan for Social Development and Protection for the family, coordinating public sector programs directed towards the family, promoting the decentralization of family programs, formulating and promoting plans and programs to assist the family, advising in the creation of family-related public documents, overseeing the enforcement of legal provisions, conducting research and collecting data on family problems, promoting and executing training programs for family service personnel, and encouraging the formation of private sector programs to benefit the family.
Von Baross, J
The commentary on West German abortion law, particularly in illegal abortion in the Netherlands, finds the law restrictive and in violation of the dignity and rights of women. The Max-Planck Institute in 1990 published a study that found that a main point of prosecution between 1976 and 1986, as reported by Der Spiegal, was in border crossings from the Netherlands. It is estimated that 10,000 annually have abortions abroad, and 6,000 to 7,000 in the Netherlands. The procedure was for an official to stop a young person and query about drugs; later the woman would admit to an abortion, and be forced into a medical examination. The German Penal Code Section 218 stipulates abortion only for certain reasons testified to by a doctor other than the one performing the abortion. Counseling on available social assistance must be completed 3 days prior to the abortion. Many counseling offices are church related and opposed to abortions. Many doctors refuse legally to certify, and access to abortion is limited. The required hospital stay is 3-4 nights with no day care facilities. Penal Code Section 5 No. 9 allows prosecution for uncounseled illegal abortion. Abortion law reform is anticipated by the end of 1992 in the Bundestag due to the Treaty or the Unification of Germany. The Treaty states that the rights of the unborn child must be protected and that pregnant women relieve their distress in a way compatible with the Constitution, but improved over legal regulations from either West or East Germany, which permits abortion on request within 12 weeks of conception without counseling. It is hoped that the law will be liberalized and Penal Code Section 5 No. 9 will be abolished.
Lassiter, Dragana; Mercier, Rebecca; Bryant, Amy; Lyerly, Anne Drapkin
While the concept of conscience has broad philosophical underpinnings relating to moral judgment, agency, and discernments of right and wrong, debates in bioethics have tended to engage the concept primarily vis-à-vis rights of conscientious refusal. Here, we suggest a broader frame for thinking about claims of conscience in healthcare. Drawing on empirical findings from our research with abortion providers in North Carolina, we elucidate an empirically grounded approach to ethically justified care when healthcare providers face legal or institutional policy mandates that raise possible moral conflicts. We highlight, in particular, how providers may be motivated by matters of conscience, including relational concerns, in the active provision of certain forms of care. In so doing, we challenge the dichotomy between conscientious refusal and morally compromised action, demonstrating how providers may work within the constraints of laws or institutional policies that raise moral challenges and act in accordance with conscience. PMID:27120281
Foster, Angel M; LaRoche, Kathryn J; El-Haddad, Julie; DeGroot, Lauren; El-Mowafi, Ieman M
New Brunswick (NB)'s Regulation 84-20 has historically restricted funded abortion care to procedures deemed medically necessary by two physicians and performed in a hospital by an obstetrician-gynecologist. However, on January 1, 2015, the provincial government amended the regulation and abolished the "two physician rule." We aimed to document women's experiences obtaining abortion care in NB before and after the Regulation 84-20 amendment; identify the economic and personal costs associated with obtaining abortion care; and examine the ways in which geography, age and language-minority status condition access to care. We conducted 33 semistructured telephone interviews with NB residents who had abortions between 2009 and 2014 (n=27) and after January 1, 2015 (n=6), in English and French. We audiorecorded and transcribed all interviews and conducted content and thematic analyses using ATLAS.ti software to manage our data. The cost of travel is significant for NB residents trying to access abortion services. Women reported significant wait times which impacted the disclosure of their pregnancy and the gestational age at the time of the abortion. Further, many women reported that physicians refused to provide referrals for abortion care. Even after the amendment to 84-20, all participants reported that they were required to have two physicians approve their procedure. The funding restrictions for abortion care in NB represent a profound inequity. Amending Regulation 84-20 was an important step but failed to address the fundamental issue that clinic-based abortion care is not funded and significant barriers to access persist. NB's policies create unnecessary barriers to accessing timely and affordable abortion care and produce a significant health inequity for women in the province. Further policy reforms are required to ensure that women are able to get the abortion care to which they are entitled. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Mairiga, Abdulkarim Garba; Geidam, Ado Dan'azumi; Bako, Babagana; Ibrahim, Abdullahi
The objective of this study was to determine the knowledge and attitudes of practicing Nigerian lawyers towards issues relating to reproductive health and reproductive rights, and their opinions about abortion law reform. It was a population- based study which consisted of interviews with practicing lawyers in north-east Nigeria. The results showed poor knowledge of issues related to reproductive health and reproductive rights among the lawyers. However, the majority (56.9%) disagreed that a woman can practice family planning without the consent of her husband. The prevalence of contraceptive use among the lawyers was low and attitude to abortion law not satisfactory. Only few lawyers (22.4%) supported safe abortion in cases of failed contraception. We conclude that reproductive health advocates must target legal professionals with a view to educating them on issues relating to sexual and reproductive health and rights. Lawyers in Nigeria should undergo capacity building in reproductive health laws and be encouraged to specialize in reproductive rights protection as obtainable in other developed countries.
Klausen, Susanne M
This article examines the struggle over abortion law reform that preceded the enactment in 1975 of the first statutory law on abortion in South Africa. The ruling National Party government produced legislation intended to eliminate access to doctors willing to procure abortions in an attempt to prevent young, unmarried white women from engaging in premarital (hetero) sexual activity. It was also aimed at strictly regulating the medical profession’s actions with regards to abortion. The production of the abortion legislation was directly influenced by international struggles for accessible abortion and, more broadly, sexual liberation. The regime believed South Africa was being infiltrated by Western "immorality" and the abortion law was an attempt to buttress racist heteropatriarchal apartheid culture. Examining the abortion controversy highlights the global circulation of ideas about reproduction in the twentieth century and foregrounds a neglected dimension of the history of sexual regulation in apartheid South Africa: the disciplining and regulation of white female reproductive sexuality.
Meier, Benjamin Mason; Gebbie, Kristine M.
Given the public health importance of law modernization, we undertook a comparative analysis of policy efforts in 4 states (Alaska, South Carolina, Wisconsin, and Nebraska) that have considered public health law reform based on the Turning Point Model State Public Health Act. Through national legislative tracking and state case studies, we investigated how the Turning Point Act's model legal language has been considered for incorporation into state law and analyzed key facilitating and inhibiting factors for public health law reform. Our findings provide the practice community with a research base to facilitate further law reform and inform future scholarship on the role of law as a determinant of the public's health. PMID:19150900
Meier, Benjamin Mason; Hodge, James G; Gebbie, Kristine M
Given the public health importance of law modernization, we undertook a comparative analysis of policy efforts in 4 states (Alaska, South Carolina, Wisconsin, and Nebraska) that have considered public health law reform based on the Turning Point Model State Public Health Act. Through national legislative tracking and state case studies, we investigated how the Turning Point Act's model legal language has been considered for incorporation into state law and analyzed key facilitating and inhibiting factors for public health law reform. Our findings provide the practice community with a research base to facilitate further law reform and inform future scholarship on the role of law as a determinant of the public's health.
After considering various different options for half a decade, the last Government legislated in 2009 to reform the England and Wales coroner and death certification systems. The Coroners and Justice Act 2009 provides for the creation of a new Chief Coroner post to lead the jurisdiction and for local medical examiners to oversee a new death certification scheme applicable equally to burial and cremation cases. In October 2010 the new Government announced that it judges the main coroner reform to be unaffordable, will not proceed with it and plans to repeal the provisions. It intends to implement the new death certification arrangements, which is welcome. The decision to abort the main coroner reform in spite of longstanding and widespread recognition of the need for major change is deplorable though in line with other failures over the last century to properly modernise this neglected service.
During the first half of the century, progressive law school teachers considered the promotion of law as a social institution a primary professional and public responsibility. Specific actions by individual lawyers and teachers are reviewed. (LBH)
History of induced abortion in Denmark from 1200 to 1979 is reviewed. The 1st Danish law of 1200 did not touch upon the question of induced abortion. From the beginning of the 13th century to Religious Reformation in 1536, Roman Catholic law influenced every aspect of Danish life including induced abortion. In 1683 in King Christian V's constitution called Dansk Lov induced abortion was discussed. Immoral women who aborted fetuses or killed newborn babies were decapitated. In Copenhagen in the years 1624-1632 and 1638-1663 17 women were executed because of induced abortion or murder of newborn babies. Although Dansk Lov was effective till 1866, Danish kings came to treat female criminals less severely since about 1780-1800. For example, between 1855 and 1866 42 women convicted of murder of newborn babies or abortion were given pardon (12 years of imprisonment instead of life sentence). In 1866, abortion and murder of babies were treated separately in the Danish criminal law. Induced abortion meant up to 8 years of imprisonment and labor. In 1930 life sentence was abolished; induced abortion called for only up to 2 years of imprisonment, while those who assisted for money were punished more severely (up to 8 years in prison). In 1937 the Danes legalized induced abortion for medical, ethical, (e.g. rape case) and eugenic reasons. By 1973 legalized abortion was available, free of charge, to every Danish female resident within 12 weeks of pregnancy. In 1980 abortion rate was about 41% of total births. It is estimated 2/3 of Danish women experience abortion. Lastly, illegitimate births and miscarriages are on the rise due to changes in women's social status and role.
In Ireland, Article 40.3.3 degrees of Bunreacht na hEireann (the Irish Constitution) guarantees the right to life of the unborn child and the equal right to life of the mother. Abortion in Ireland is permissible only where there is a real and substantial risk to the mother's own life. Since Ireland became a signatory to the European Convention on Human Rights in 1950,2 there have been concerns that it could result in Ireland being compelled to introduce a right to abortion. This article commences with a review of the extant law on abortion in Ireland, tracing the Constitutional protection afforded to the unborn child. The article will discuss the impact of the European Court of Human Rights' jurisprudence in regard to access to abortion and to information on abortion services in Ireland in an effort to ascertain if it really has resulted in a radical change to Irish abortion laws. As such, it will also be necessary to examine the more recent decisions of the ECtHR such as Tysiac v. Poland, and A, B, and C v. Ireland, to determine both the approach of the ECtHR to access to abortion in general and also to consider if it has resulted in a liberalisation of abortion law in Ireland.
Adler, Nancy E.; Ozer, Emily J.; Tschann, Jeanne
Reviews the current status of abortion laws pertaining to adolescents worldwide, examining questions raised by parental consent laws in the United States and by the relevant psychological research (risk of harm from abortion, informed consent, consequences of parental involvement in the abortion decision, and current debate). Discusses issues…
Singer, Elyse Ona
I analyze the alternative tactics and logics of Las Fuertes, a feminist organization that has taken an "alegal" approach to realizing the human right to abortion in the conservative Mexican state of Guanajuato. Since a series of United Nations agreements throughout the 1990s enshrined reproductive rights as universal human rights, Mexican feminists have adopted the human rights platform as a lobbying tool to pressure the government to reform restrictive abortion laws. This strategy bore fruit in Mexico City, with passage of the historic 2007 abortion legalization. Las Fuertes has leveraged the human rights strategy differently - to justify the direct provision of local abortion accompaniment in a context of near-total abortion criminalization. By directly seizing abortion rights, rather than seeking to implement them through legalistic channels, Las Fuertes has effectively challenged Mexican reproductive governance in an adversarial political environment.
Jackson, Emily; Johnson, Brooke Ronald; Gebreselassie, Hailemichael; Kangaude, Godfrey D; Mhango, Chisale
As part of efforts to achieve Millennium Development Goal 5--to reduce maternal mortality by 75% and achieve universal access to reproductive health by 2015--the Malawi Ministry of Health conducted a strategic assessment of unsafe abortion in Malawi. This paper describes the findings of the assessment, including a human rights-based review of Malawi's laws, policies and international agreements relating to sexual and reproductive health and data from 485 in-depth interviews about sexual and reproductive health, maternal mortality and unsafe abortion, conducted with Malawians from all parts of the country and social strata. Consensus recommendations to address the issue of unsafe abortion were developed by a broad base of local and international stakeholders during a national dissemination meeting. Malawi's restrictive abortion law, inaccessibility of safe abortion services, particularly for poor and young women, and lack of adequate family planning, youth-friendly and post-abortion care services were the most important barriers. The consensus reached was that to make abortion safe in Malawi, there were four areas for urgent action--abortion law reform; sexuality education and family planning; adolescent sexual and reproductive health services; and post-abortion care services. Copyright © 2011 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Anti-choice efforts to eliminate and/or restrict abortion coverage in US health care reform proposals were overwhelmingly rejected by Congressional committees on June 22 and 23, 1994. The committees rejected Kentucky Republican Representative Jim Bunning's amendment to remove abortion services except in cases of life endangerment, rape, or incest; Wisconsin Democrat Gerald Kleczka's attempt to let health plans opt out of providing abortion coverage; Pennsylvania Republican Rick Santorum's attempt to prevent the health plan from preempting state constitutional laws and regulations on abortion; amendments by Pennsylvania Democrat Ron Klink to drop abortion coverage except in cases of life endangerment, rape, or incest, and to guarantee against the plan overturning state regulations on abortion; and an amendment by Wisconsin Republican Steve Gunderson to allow plans to single out abortion from the guaranteed benefits package and offer plans without that coverage as well as to allow self-insured businesses to opt out of abortion coverage. Moreover, a final proposal to move abortion services into an optional benefit category was withdrawn and the House Education and Labor Committee refused to endorse abortion restrictions in its version of Clinton's HR 3600 health care proposal. The Senate Labor and Human Resources Committee previously defeated restrictions on abortion coverage.
In State v. Koome, the Washington Supreme Court has striken that state's statute regarding parental consent for a minor's abortion. Implications of the finding for a minor's right to due process, equal protection, and privacy are discussed. (LBH)
It is impossible to eliminate abortion, and therefore it must be evaluated in all its medical, moral, religious, as well as, unfortunately, convenience aspects. From a religious viewpoint, abortion is inadmissible; there are, however, social, emotional and psychological problems. Many countries have solved the problem of abortion more or less satisfactorily. Conditions in Italy, however, are rather special, as a resllt of a range of factors, not least of which is a powerful religious pressure which conditions many expressions of private and social life. The physician involved in this problem is confronted with very difficult decisions from the viewpoint of conscienc e, morality, and professional ethics. Abortion requests cannot be granted unconditionally and abortions of convenience must be drastically rejected. On the other hand, in many cases humane considerations demand a solution, and in very exceptional cases abortion is appropriate. But it is impossible to draw up a document to codify rigidly invidual cases, and the physician must rely on his own scientific knowledge, perhaps supported by that of a competent colleague, and on his professional cons cience. A thorough program of prevention of damaging or dangerous pregnancies is recommended, by means of health and sex education. Knowledge of both pharmaceutical and mechanical contraceptives must be popularized at all levels.
Valencia Rodríguez, Jorge; Wilson, Kate S; Díaz Olavarrieta, Claudia; García, Sandra G; Sánchez Fuentes, Maria Luisa
In opposition to Mexico City's legalization of first-trimester abortion, 17 Mexican states (53 percent) have introduced initiatives or reforms to ban abortion entirely, and other states have similar legislation pending. We conducted an opinion survey in eight states--four where constitutional amendments have already been approved and four with pending amendments. Using logistic regression analyses, we found that higher education, political party affiliation, and awareness of reforms/initiatives were significantly associated with support for the Mexico City law. Legal abortion was supported by a large proportion of respondents in cases of rape (45-70 percent), risk to a woman's life (55-71 percent), and risk to a woman's health (48-68 percent). A larger percentage of respondents favored the Mexico City law, which limits elective legal abortion to the first 12 weeks of gestation (32-54 percent), than elective abortion without regard to gestational limit (14-31 percent).
Congressional passage of the health system reform bill, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, sent physicians and patients scrambling to examine the fine print to determine how the new law will impact health care for all Americans. TMA launched a massive new education campaign to help Texas physicians and their practices survive and thrive in the new health care environment.
Purpose: This paper aims to explore and describe the limits of recent law-based school reform in South Africa from an education management perspective. Design/methodology/approach: The research design consists of a qualitative, investigative, descriptive and contextual design which Merriam would classify as a basic or generic design type.…
Karasek, Deborah; Roberts, Sarah C M; Weitz, Tracy A
More than one-half of U.S. states now have laws requiring women to wait at least 24 hours between receiving information about abortion and the actual abortion procedure, with a few requiring longer waits, and one-fourth requiring that women receive this information in person. Although public discussions of waiting periods focus on how they affect women, we know little about abortion patients' perceptions of these requirements. We collected data from 379 women seeking abortion care at an abortion facility in Arizona before Arizona's 24-hour waiting period two-visit requirement went into effect. Surveys focused on patients' experiences receiving abortion care before the waiting period and perceptions about how the additional clinic visit would affect them. Most women reported one or more financial or logistical challenges in obtaining abortion care. More than two-thirds reported difficulty paying abortion appointment-related expenses. These expenses prevented or delayed almost one-half from paying other expenses, such as rent, bills, and food, with lower income women more affected. The majority expected that the additional visit would result in additional financial and logistical hardships and delay them in having an abortion, with 90% reporting that the waiting period would lead to at least one hardship. Eight percent reported that the waiting period would have a positive effect on emotional well-being, and more than one-half reported that it would have a negative effect on emotional well-being. Only a small minority of women seeking abortion care view a two-visit waiting period law as benefiting them; the overwhelming majority expect a waiting period to have adverse consequences. Copyright © 2016 Jacobs Institute of Women's Health. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Pierson, Claire; Bloomer, Fiona
How abortion is dealt with in law and policy is shaped through the multiple political and societal discourses on the issue within a particular society. Debate on abortion is constantly in flux, with progressive and regressive movements witnessed globally. This paper examines the translation of human rights norms into discourses on abortion in Northern Ireland, a region where abortion is highly restricted, with extensive contemporary public debate into potential liberalization of abortion law. This paper emanates from research examining political debates on abortion in Northern Ireland and contrasts findings with recent civil society developments, identifying competing narratives of human rights with regard to abortion at the macro- and micro-political level. The paper identifies the complexities of using human rights as a lobbying tool, and questions the utility of rights-based arguments in furthering abortion law reform. The paper concludes that a legalistic rights-based approach may have limited efficacy in creating a more nuanced debate and perspective on abortion in Northern Ireland but that it has particular resonance in arguing for limited reform in extreme cases.
Bruns, Daniel; Mueller, Kathryn; Warren, Pamela A
A noteworthy attempt at health care reform was the 1992 Colorado workers' compensation reform bill, which led to the creation of what has been called "biopsychosocial laws." These laws mandated the use of treatment guidelines for patients with injury or chronic pain, which advocated a biopsychosocial model of rehabilitation, and aspired to use a "best practice" approach to controlling costs. The purpose of this study was to examine the financial impact of this health care reform process, and to test the hypothesis that this approach can be an effective strategy to contain costs while providing good care. This study utilized a dataset collected prospectively from 1992 to 2007 in 45 U.S. states for regulatory purposes. These data summarized the medical treatment and disability costs of 520,314 injured workers in Colorado, and an estimated 28.6 million injured workers nationally. As no other state passed a comparable bill, the Colorado worker compensation reform bill created a natural experiment, where a treatment group was created by legally enforceable medical treatment guidelines. In the 15 years following the implementation of the reform, the inflation of medical costs in Colorado workers' compensation was only one third that of the national average, saving an estimated $859 million on patients injured in 2007 alone. Although there were confounding variables, and causality could not be determined, these data are consistent with the hypothesis that Colorado's 1992 legislative efforts to reform workers compensation law using the biopsychosocial model worked as intended to provide good care while controlling costs. PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved.
Griffith, Richard; Tengnah, Cassam
In recent months there has been renewed public and parliamentary debate on whether the abortion law in the United Kingdom should be reformed. Parliament has debated the issue on three occasions and now the House of Commons Select Committee on Science and Technology are calling for evidence in support of their inquiry into reform of the Abortion Act 1967. The inquiry gives district nurses the opportunity to inform the debate and ensure that their voices are heard given that topics for reform include nurse-led abortions and home abortions. In this article Richard Griffith and Cassam Tengnah review the development of the law relating to abortion and highlight the areas of reform to be considered by the select committee.
Sade, Robert M
Health care system reform has enormous implications for the future of American society and economic life. Since the early days of the republic, 2 world views have vied for determination of this country’s political system: the view of the individual as sovereign vs government as sovereign. As they developed the foundations of our nation’s governance, the founders were heavily influenced by the Enlightenment philosophy of the late 17th and 18th centuries—the US Constitution sharply limited the power of central government to specific narrowly defined functions, and the economic system was largely laissez faire, that is, economic exchange was mostly free of government regulation and securing individual liberty was a high priority. This situation has slowly reversed—the federal government originally was narrowly limited, but now it dominates states and individuals. The economic system has followed, lagging by several decades, so although it still retains some features of laissez faire capitalism, federal and state regulation have produced a decidedly mixed economy. PMID:22626914
Erdman, Joanna N
The Irish Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act seeks to clarify the legal ground for abortion in cases of risk to life, and to create procedures to regulate women's access to services under it. This article explores the new law as the outcome of an international human rights litigation strategy premised on state duties to implement abortion laws through clear standards and procedural safeguards. It focuses specifically on the Irish law reform and the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, including A. B. and C. v. Ireland (2010). The article examines how procedural rights at the international level can engender domestic law reform that limits or expands women's access to lawful abortion services, serving conservative or progressive ends. Copyright © 2014 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Long, Sharon L.; Ravenscraft, Patricia
The constitutionality of the Missouri abortion statute was challenged by two physicians and Planned Parenthood of Central Missouri in the Danforth case. The Supreme Court reversed a district court decision in part, ruling that parental and spousal consent requirements are unconstitutional. For journal availability see HE 508 875. (LBH)
Lamas, M; Bissell, S
A strong collective pro-choice mentality was recently manifested in Mexico when a legislative initiative to revoke the legal right of rape survivor to abortion in the state of Guanajuato awakened national indignation. Pro-choice values were expressed in public opinion with such force that it sparked off the passage of liberalising law reforms in Mexico City and the state of Morelos. In this paper we trace the development of these manifestations of pro-choice views, beginning with the Democratic Revolution Party's (PRD) refusal in 1999 to modify abortion legislation within the context of penal code reform, and moving through the events surrounding the Guanajuato reform, and the pro-choice response of Mexico City and Morelos legislators. This analysis allows us to recognise the emergence of a pro-choice consciousness and to understand that, when it comes to abortion, 'context is all'.
Darney, Blair G; Saavedra-Avendano, Biani; Lozano, Rafael
A recent publication [Koch E, Chireau M, Pliego F, Stanford J, Haddad S, Calhoun B, Aracena P, Bravo M, Gatica S, Thorp J. Abortion legislation, maternal healthcare, fertility, female literacy, sanitation, violence against women and maternal deaths: a natural experiment in 32 Mexican states. BMJ Open 2015;5(2):e006013] claimed that Mexican states with more restrictive abortion laws had lower levels of maternal mortality. Our objectives are to replicate the analysis, reanalyze the data and offer a critique of the key flaws of the Koch study. We used corrected maternal mortality data (2006-2013), live births, and state-level indicators of poverty. We replicate the published analysis. We then reclassified state-level exposure to abortion on demand based on actual availability of abortion (Mexico City versus the other 31 states) and test the association of abortion access and the maternal mortality ratio (MMR) using descriptives over time, pooled chi-square tests and regression models. We included 256 state-year observations. We did not find significant differences in MMR between Mexico City (MMR=49.1) and the 31 states (MMR=44.6; p=.44). Using Koch's classification of states, we replicated published differences of higher MMR where abortion is more available. We found a significant, negative association between MMR and availability of abortion in the same multivariable models as Koch, but using our state classification (beta=-22.49, 95% CI=-38.9; -5.99). State-level poverty remains highly correlated with MMR. Koch makes errors in methodology and interpretation, making false causal claims about abortion law and MMR. MMR is falling most rapidly in Mexico City, but our main study limitation is an inability to draw causal inference about abortion law or access and maternal mortality. We need rigorous evidence about the health impacts of increasing access to safe abortion worldwide. Transparency and integrity in research is crucial, as well as perhaps even more in
Nazif-Munoz, José Ignacio; Quesnel-Vallée, Amélie; van den Berg, Axel
The objective of the current study is to determine to what extent the reduction of Chile's traffic fatalities and injuries during 2000-2012 was related to the police traffic enforcement increment registered after the introduction of its 2005 traffic law reform. A unique dataset with assembled information from public institutions and analyses based on ordinary least square and robust random effects models was carried out. Dependent variables were traffic fatality and severe injury rates per population and vehicle fleet. Independent variables were: (1) presence of new national traffic law; (2) police officers per population; (3) number of traffic tickets per police officer; and (4) interaction effect of number of traffic tickets per police officer with traffic law reform. Oil prices, alcohol consumption, proportion of male population 15-24 years old, unemployment, road infrastructure investment, years' effects and regions' effects represented control variables. Empirical estimates from instrumental variables suggest that the enactment of the traffic law reform in interaction with number of traffic tickets per police officer is significantly associated with a decrease of 8% in traffic fatalities and 7% in severe injuries. Piecewise regression model results for the 2007-2012 period suggest that police traffic enforcement reduced traffic fatalities by 59% and severe injuries by 37%. Findings suggest that traffic law reforms in order to have an effect on both traffic fatality and injury rates reduction require changes in police enforcement practices. Last, this case also illustrates how the diffusion of successful road safety practices globally promoted by WHO and World Bank can be an important influence for enhancing national road safety practices. Published by the BMJ Publishing Group Limited. For permission to use (where not already granted under a licence) please go to http://group.bmj.com/group/rights-licensing/permissions.
Faúndes, Aníbal; Duarte, Graciana Alves; de Sousa, Maria Helena; Soares Camargo, Rodrigo Paupério; Pacagnella, Rodolfo Carvalho
Unsafe abortions remain a major public health problem in countries with very restrictive abortion laws. In Brazil, parliamentarians - who have the power to change the law - are influenced by "public opinion", often obtained through surveys and opinion polls. This paper presents the findings from two studies. One was carried out in February-December 2010 among 1,660 public servants and the other in February-July 2011 with 874 medical students from three medical schools, both in São Paulo State, Brazil. Both groups of respondents were asked two sets of questions to obtain their opinion about abortion: 1) under which circumstances abortion should be permitted by law, and 2) whether or not women in general and women they knew who had had an abortion should be punished with prison, as Brazilian law mandates. The differences in their answers were enormous: the majority of respondents were against putting women who have had abortions in prison. Almost 60% of civil servants and 25% of medical students knew at least one woman who had had an illegal abortion; 85% of medical students and 83% of civil servants thought this person(s) should not be jailed. Brazilian parliamentarians who are currently reviewing a reform in the Penal Code need to have this information urgently. Copyright © 2013 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Conti, Jennifer A; Brant, Ashley R; Shumaker, Heather D; Reeves, Matthew F
To review the status of antiabortion restrictions enacted over the last 5 years in the United States and their impact on abortion services. In recent years, there has been an alarming rise in the number of antiabortion laws enacted across the United States. In total, various states in the union enacted 334 abortion restrictions from 2011 to July 2016, accounting for 30% of all abortion restrictions since the legalization of abortion in 1973. Data confirm, however, that more liberal abortion laws do not increase the number of abortions, but instead greatly decrease the number of abortion-related deaths. Several countries including Romania, South Africa and Nepal have seen dramatic decreases in maternal mortality after liberalization of abortion laws, without an increase in the total number of abortions. In the United States, abortions are incredibly safe with very low rates of complications and a mortality rate of 0.7 per 100 000 women. With increasing abortion restrictions, maternal mortality in the United States can be expected to rise over the coming years, as has been observed in Texas recently. Liberalization of abortion laws saves women's lives. The rising number of antiabortion restrictions will ultimately harm women and their families.
Soetoto, E. O. H.
Food sovereignty, since first articulated in 1996, evaluations of the practice and potential of this emerging concept and its sub-elements got fast popularity, which first emerged from civil society publications. Indonesia experienced food law reform from Law number 7 of 1996 to Law number 18 of 2012. The purposes of the work were: (1) to understand the reform process from the old to the new Indonesia’s food law, (2) to investigate the impact of Indonesia’s food law reform on the concept of food sovereignty in Indonesia. The approach was doctrinal research. The paper used secondary data with primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials. The scientific innovation of this paper is the use of legal systems to strengthen the food sovereignty in Indonesia, suggesting that the law is needed to ensure the food sovereignty in Indonesia. The results show that there is a paradigm shift in the Indonesia’s food law from food security and food self-sufficiency towards food sovereignty and in the content materials of new Indonesia’s food law which include the concept of food sovereignty. The present reasearch concluded that there is a reform in Indonesia’s food law and there is an impact - in term of legal substance, legal structure, and legal culture- of Indonesia’s food law reform on the concept of food sovereignty in Indonesia.
Chapman, Simon; Alpers, Philip; Jones, Michael
Rapid-fire weapons are often used by perpetrators in mass shooting incidents. In 1996 Australia introduced major gun law reforms that included a ban on semiautomatic rifles and pump-action shotguns and rifles and also initiated a program for buyback of firearms. To determine whether enactment of the 1996 gun laws and buyback program were followed by changes in the incidence of mass firearm homicides and total firearm deaths. Observational study using Australian government statistics on deaths caused by firearms (1979-2013) and news reports of mass shootings in Australia (1979-May 2016). Changes in intentional firearm death rates were analyzed with negative binomial regression, and data on firearm-related mass killings were compared. Implementation of major national gun law reforms. Changes in mass fatal shooting incidents (defined as ≥5 victims, not including the perpetrator) and in trends of rates of total firearm deaths, firearm homicides and suicides, and total homicides and suicides per 100,000 population. From 1979-1996 (before gun law reforms), 13 fatal mass shootings occurred in Australia, whereas from 1997 through May 2016 (after gun law reforms), no fatal mass shootings occurred. There was also significant change in the preexisting downward trends for rates of total firearm deaths prior to vs after gun law reform. From 1979-1996, the mean rate of total firearm deaths was 3.6 (95% CI, 3.3-3.9) per 100,000 population (average decline of 3% per year; annual trend, 0.970; 95% CI, 0.963-0.976), whereas from 1997-2013 (after gun law reforms), the mean rate of total firearm deaths was 1.2 (95% CI, 1.0-1.4) per 100,000 population (average decline of 4.9% per year; annual trend, 0.951; 95% CI, 0.940-0.962), with a ratio of trends in annual death rates of 0.981 (95% CI, 0.968-0.993). There was a statistically significant acceleration in the preexisting downward trend for firearm suicide (ratio of trends, 0.981; 95% CI, 0.970-0.993), but this was not statistically
The present contribution is part of a research developed with qualitative social research methods. It offers part of the results attained in a study performed at a clinic belonging to Mexico City´s Government, and explores the effects on staff of the implementation of Legal Pregnancy Termination (ILE, for its initials in Spanish). The results highlights that, besides diminishing health risks in the women who abort, the use of misoprostol prompted assertive attitudes in many women, that reduced the negative effects produced by the stigma of abortion. It also acknowledges the persistence of stigma in the opinions of the health personnel. The empowering of the self-image of women who become subject to this procedure is due to the full exercise of their legal right.
With nearly 70 Texas hospitals with some type of physician investment, the state is a national leader in the physician-owned hospital industry. And, members of that industry say it has been good for patients. But the health system reform law Congress passed earlier this year slams the door on new physician-owned hospitals by prohibiting them from obtaining a Medicare provider number.
their full impact on law enforcement agencies will be known in the coming years not months. The following chapter features three case studies ...and the PERF Guiding Principles. These case studies consider the impacts on agency outputs in terms of proactive officer activity along with some...reforms adopted through NYPD policy and legislative action on the part of the New York City Council. The purpose of these case studies is to
Cambronero-Saiz, Belén; Ruiz Cantero, María Teresa; Vives-Cases, Carmen; Carrasco Portiño, Mercedes
Since Spain's transition to democracy, abortion has been a public policy issue both inside and outside parliament. This paper describes the history of abortion law reform in Spain from 1979 to 2004 and analyses the discourse on abortion of members of the Spanish parliament by sex and political allegiance. The analysis is based on a retrospective study of the frequency of legislative initiatives and the prevalence of different arguments and positions in debates on abortion found through a systematic search of the parliamentary database. Little time was given to abortion in the parliamentary agenda compared to other women's issues such as violence against women. There were 229 bills and other parliamentary initiatives in that period, 60% initiated and led by pro-choice women. 143 female and 72 male parliamentarians took part in the debates. The inclusion of socio-economic grounds for legal abortion (64%), and making abortion on request legal in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy (60%) were the most frequent forms of law reform proposed, based most often on pro-women's rights arguments. Male and female members of anti-choice parties and most male members of other parties argued for fetal rights. Pro-choice parties tabled more bills than anti-choice parties but till now all reforms proposed since 1985 have been voted down.
Upadhyay, Ushma D; Johns, Nicole E; Combellick, Sarah L; Kohn, Julia E; Keder, Lisa M; Roberts, Sarah C M
In February 2011, an Ohio law took effect mandating use of the United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA)-approved protocol for mifepristone, which is used with misoprostol for medication abortion. Other state legislatures have passed or enacted similar laws requiring use of the FDA-approved protocol for medication abortion. The objective of this study is to examine the association of this legal change with medication abortion outcomes and utilization. We used a retrospective cohort design, comparing outcomes of medication abortion patients in the prelaw period to those in the postlaw period. Sociodemographic and clinical chart data were abstracted from all medication abortion patients from 1 y prior to the law's implementation (January 2010-January 2011) to 3 y post implementation (February 2011-October 2014) at four abortion-providing health care facilities in Ohio. Outcome data were analyzed for all women undergoing abortion at ≤49 d gestation during the study period. The main outcomes were as follows: need for additional intervention following medication abortion (such as aspiration, repeat misoprostol, and blood transfusion), frequency of continuing pregnancy, reports of side effects, and the proportion of abortions that were medication abortions (versus other abortion procedures). Among the 2,783 medication abortions ≤49 d gestation, 4.9% (95% CI: 3.7%-6.2%) in the prelaw and 14.3% (95% CI: 12.6%-16.0%) in the postlaw period required one or more additional interventions. Women obtaining a medication abortion in the postlaw period had three times the odds of requiring an additional intervention as women in the prelaw period (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 3.11, 95% CI: 2.27-4.27). In a mixed effects multivariable model that uses facility-months as the unit of analysis to account for lack of independence by site, we found that the law change was associated with a 9.4% (95% CI: 4.0%-18.4%) absolute increase in the rate of requiring an additional
Chapman, S; Alpers, P; Agho, K; Jones, M
After a 1996 firearm massacre in Tasmania in which 35 people died, Australian governments united to remove semi-automatic and pump-action shotguns and rifles from civilian possession, as a key component of gun law reforms. To determine whether Australia's 1996 major gun law reforms were associated with changes in rates of mass firearm homicides, total firearm deaths, firearm homicides and firearm suicides, and whether there were any apparent method substitution effects for total homicides and suicides. Observational study using official statistics. Negative binomial regression analysis of changes in firearm death rates and comparison of trends in pre-post gun law reform firearm-related mass killings. Australia, 1979-2003. Changes in trends of total firearm death rates, mass fatal shooting incidents, rates of firearm homicide, suicide and unintentional firearm deaths, and of total homicides and suicides per 100,000 population. In the 18 years before the gun law reforms, there were 13 mass shootings in Australia, and none in the 10.5 years afterwards. Declines in firearm-related deaths before the law reforms accelerated after the reforms for total firearm deaths (p = 0.04), firearm suicides (p = 0.007) and firearm homicides (p = 0.15), but not for the smallest category of unintentional firearm deaths, which increased. No evidence of substitution effect for suicides or homicides was observed. The rates per 100,000 of total firearm deaths, firearm homicides and firearm suicides all at least doubled their existing rates of decline after the revised gun laws. Australia's 1996 gun law reforms were followed by more than a decade free of fatal mass shootings, and accelerated declines in firearm deaths, particularly suicides. Total homicide rates followed the same pattern. Removing large numbers of rapid-firing firearms from civilians may be an effective way of reducing mass shootings, firearm homicides and firearm suicides.
In the conviction that abortion is a fundamental right of women and that its illegal practice constitutes a serious threat to life, several Latin American women's groups have united to work for decriminalization. The groups have been attempting to increase public awareness of the consequences of illegal abortion. Official silence on the topic appears to deny the existence of a problem. Proposals in the different Latin American countries are adapted to their political and legal circumstances. In Argentina, a campaign has been underway for nearly two years to collect signatures for a petition for a law concerning contraception and abortion. The National Network for Women's Health and other groups have held regional and national workshops on the issue. In Bolivia, radio and television programs have been broadcast in Spanish and indigenous languages on the right to choose, reproductive health, and sex education. Abortion was debated in Brazil during the process of constitutional reform, but it remains illegal. Illegal abortion continues to be a reality and women's groups are lobbying for decriminalization. Abortion is considered a crime in Colombia's penal code. Attempts to legalize abortion have been rejected by the legislature without debate. The practice of abortion under the circumstances has become a lucrative business whose lack of regulation has resulted in a growing number of maternal deaths. Attempts are underway in Costa Rica to legalize abortion in cases of rape or incest. Studies show that illegal abortion is the third most important cause of maternal death. A bill to legalize abortion is under study in Chile's Parliament but has not been approved. Abortion is illegal but common in Ecuador. Efforts are underway in Mexico and Nicaragua to encourage debate on abortion. Peru's Health Commission was recently prevented from classifying abortion for any reason other than grave congenital anomaly as homicide. Abortion has been legal in Puerto Rico since 1974, but
Sedgh, Gilda; Ball, Haley
Each year in Indonesia, millions of women become pregnant unintentionally, and many choose to end their pregnancies, despite the fact that abortion is generally illegal. Like their counterparts in many developing countries where abortion is stigmatized and highly restricted, Indonesian women often seek clandestine procedures performed by untrained providers, and resort to methods that include ingesting unsafe substances and undergoing harmful abortive massage. Though reliable evidence does not exist, researchers estimate that about two million induced abortions occur each year in the country and that deaths from unsafe abortion represent 14-16% of all maternal deaths in Southeast Asia. Preventing unsafe abortion is imperative if Indonesia is to achieve the fifth Millennium Development Goal of improving maternal health and reducing maternal mortality. Current Indonesian abortion law is based on a national health bill passed in 1992. Though the language on abortion was vague, it is generally accepted that the law allows abortion only if the woman provides confirmation from a doctor that her pregnancy is life-threatening, a letter of consent from her husband or a family member, a positive pregnancy test result and a statement guaranteeing that she will practice contraception afterwards. This report presents what is currently known about abortion in Indonesia. The findings are derived primarily from small-scale, urban, clinic-based studies of women's experiences with abortion. Some studies included women in rural areas and those who sought abortions outside of clinics, but none were nationally representative. Although these studies do not give a full picture of who is obtaining abortions in Indonesia or what their experiences are, the evidence suggests that abortion is a common occurrence in the country and that the conditions under which abortion takes place are often unsafe.
Perez Duarte, A E
Analysis of abortion in Mexico from a juridical perspective requires recognition that Mexico as a national community participates in a double system of values. Politically it is defined as a liberal, democratic, and secular state, but culturally the Judeo-Christian ideology is dominant in all social strata. This duality complicates all juridical-penal decisions regarding abortion. Public opinion on abortion is influenced on the 1 hand by extremely conservative groups who condemn abortion as homicide, and on the other hand by groups who demand legislative reform in congruence with characteristics that define the state: an attitude of tolerance toward the different ideological-moral positions that coexist in the country. The discussion concerns the rights of women to voluntary maternity, protection of health, and to making their own decisions regarding their bodies vs. the rights of the fetus to life. The type of analysis is not objective, and conclusions depend on the ideology of the analyst. Other elements must be examined for an objective consideration of the social problem of abortion. For example, aspects related to maternal morbidity and mortality and the demographic, economic, and physical and mental health of the population would all seem to support the democratic juridical doctrine that sees the clandestine nature of abortion as the principal problem. It is also observed that the illegality of abortion does not guarantee its elimination. Desperate women will seek abortion under any circumstances. The illegality of abortion also impedes health and educational policies that would lower abortion mortality. There are various problems from a strictly juridical perspective. A correct definition of the term abortion is needed that would coincide with the medical definition. The discussion must be clearly centered on the protected juridical right and the definition of reproductive and health rights and rights to their own bodies of women. The experiences of other
Magnusson, Roger S; Patterson, David
Addressing non-communicable diseases ("NCDs") and their risk-factors is one of the most powerful ways of improving longevity and healthy life expectancy for the foreseeable future - especially in low- and middle-income countries. This paper reviews the role of law and governance reform in that process. We highlight the need for a comprehensive approach that is grounded in the right to health and addresses three aspects: preventing NCDs and their risk factors, improving access to NCD treatments, and addressing the social impacts of illness. We highlight some of the major impediments to the passage and implementation of laws for the prevention and control of NCDs, and identify important practical steps that governments can take as they consider legal and governance reforms at country level.We review the emerging global architecture for NCDs, and emphasise the need for governance structures to harness the energy of civil society organisations and to create a global movement that influences the policy agenda at the country level. We also argue that the global monitoring framework would be more effective if it included key legal and policy indicators. The paper identifies priorities for technical legal assistance in implementing the WHO Global Action Plan for the Prevention and Control of NCDs 2013-2020. These include high-quality legal resources to assist countries to evaluate reform options, investment in legal capacity building, and global leadership to respond to the likely increase in requests by countries for technical legal assistance. We urge development agencies and other funders to recognise the need for development assistance in these areas. Throughout the paper, we point to global experience in dealing with HIV and draw out some relevant lessons for NCDs.
Addressing non-communicable diseases (“NCDs”) and their risk-factors is one of the most powerful ways of improving longevity and healthy life expectancy for the foreseeable future – especially in low- and middle-income countries. This paper reviews the role of law and governance reform in that process. We highlight the need for a comprehensive approach that is grounded in the right to health and addresses three aspects: preventing NCDs and their risk factors, improving access to NCD treatments, and addressing the social impacts of illness. We highlight some of the major impediments to the passage and implementation of laws for the prevention and control of NCDs, and identify important practical steps that governments can take as they consider legal and governance reforms at country level. We review the emerging global architecture for NCDs, and emphasise the need for governance structures to harness the energy of civil society organisations and to create a global movement that influences the policy agenda at the country level. We also argue that the global monitoring framework would be more effective if it included key legal and policy indicators. The paper identifies priorities for technical legal assistance in implementing the WHO Global Action Plan for the Prevention and Control of NCDs 2013–2020. These include high-quality legal resources to assist countries to evaluate reform options, investment in legal capacity building, and global leadership to respond to the likely increase in requests by countries for technical legal assistance. We urge development agencies and other funders to recognise the need for development assistance in these areas. Throughout the paper, we point to global experience in dealing with HIV and draw out some relevant lessons for NCDs. PMID:24903332
Abortion has become something to hide, something you can't tell other people, something you have to expiate forever. Besides, abortion is more and more difficult to achieve because of the raising average of consciencious objection (from 70 to 90% of health care providers are conscientious objectors, 2014 data, Ministero della Salute) and illegal abortion is "coming back"from the 70s, when abortion was a crime (Italian law n. 194/1978). Abortion is often blamed as a murder, an unforgivenable sin, even as genocide. Silence against shouting "killers!" to women who are going to have an abortion: this is a common actual scenario. Why is it so difficult to discuss and even to mention abortion?
Suction curettage; Surgical abortion; Elective abortion - surgical; Therapeutic abortion - surgical ... Surgical abortion involves dilating the opening to the uterus (cervix) and placing a small suction tube into the uterus. ...
Vroh, Joseph Benie Bi; Tiembre, Issaka; Attoh-Toure, Harvey; Kouadio, Daniel Ekra; Kouakou, Lucien; Coulibaly, Lazare; Kouakou, Hyacinthe Andoh; Tagliante-Saracino, Janine
The objective of this study was to examine induced abortion in Côte d'Ivoire. A nationwide cross-sectional descriptive study of induced abortion was carried out in 2007 among 3,057 women aged 15-49 years. The study showed that induced abortion is a widespread practice in Côte d'Ivoire, with a prevalence estimated at 42.5%. The women who had undergone an abortion were generally under 25, unmarried, and illiterate, and had used contraception. More than half (52.1%) of all induced abortions were performed at home by traditional abortionists or were self-induced with plants or decoctions. The main reasons for induced abortion were concern about the reaction of parents (27.7%), age (22.2%), a lack of financial resources (21.3%) and the desire of women to continue their education. More than half of the participants (55.8%) stated that they had suffered complications, which were more common after a home abortion than after a hospital abortion. Political and legal measures or reforms aimed at changing abortion laws in Côte d'Ivoire and better access to family planning are required in order to prevent or treat the social issue of induced abortion.
This paper provides an overview of legal, religious, medical and social factors that serve to support or hinder women's access to safe abortion services in the 21 predominantly Muslim countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, where one in ten pregnancies ends in abortion. Reform efforts, including progressive interpretations of Islam, have resulted in laws allowing for early abortion on request in two countries; six others permit abortion on health grounds and three more also allow abortion in cases of rape or fetal impairment. However, medical and social factors limit access to safe abortion services in all but Turkey and Tunisia. To address this situation, efforts are increasing in a few countries to introduce post-abortion care, document the magnitude of unsafe abortion and understand women's experience of unplanned pregnancy. Religious fatāwa have been issued allowing abortions in certain circumstances. An understanding of variations in Muslim beliefs and practices, and the interplay between politics, religion, history and reproductive rights is key to understanding abortion in different Muslim societies. More needs to be done to build on efforts to increase women's rights, engage community leaders, support progressive religious leaders and government officials and promote advocacy among health professionals.
Cockrill, Kate; Weitz, Tracy A
Most states regulate abortion differently than other health care services. Examples of these regulations include mandating waiting periods and the provision of state-authored information, and prohibiting private and public insurance coverage for abortion. The primary purpose of this paper is to explore abortion patients' perspectives on these regulations. We recruited 20 participants from three abortion providing facilities located in two states in the U.S. South and Midwest. Using a survey and semistructured interview, we collected information about women's knowledge of abortion regulation and policy preferences. During the interviews, women weighed the pros and cons of abortion regulations. We used grounded theory analytical techniques and matrix analysis to organize and interpret the data. We discovered five themes in these women's considerations of regulation: responsibility, empathy, safe and accessible health care, privacy, and equity. Women in the study generally supported policies that they felt protected women or informed decisions. However, most women also opposed laws mandating two-day abortion appointments for women who were traveling long distances. Women tended to favor financial coverage of abortion, arguing that it could help poor women afford abortion or reduce state expenditures. Overall the study participants' opinions on abortion policy reflect key values for advocates and policy makers to consider: responsibility, empathy, safe and accessible health care, privacy, and equity. Future work should examine abortion regulations in light of these shared values. Laws that promote misinformation or prohibit accommodations of unique circumstances are not consistent the positions articulated by the subjects in our study. Copyright 2010 Jacobs Institute of Women
Even before the legal integration of the Parisian faculties into the single entity of the "Universite de Paris" in 1896, the law faculty stood out as the most recalcitrant and resistant to the spirit of reform. In the years that followed, far from embodying republican ideals, it became known as a site of anti-republican ideological…
Medoff, Marshall H.
This study uses pooled cross-section time-series data, over the years 1982, 1992 and 2000, to estimate the impact of various restrictive abortion laws on the demand for abortion. This study complements and extends prior research by explicitly including the price of obtaining an abortion in the estimation. The empirical results show that the real…
Courtwright, David T
The 1970 Controlled Substances Act was part of an omnibus reform package designed to rationalize, and in some respects to liberalize, American drug policy. While the legislation provided additional resources for law enforcement and a systematic means for regulating the use of most psychoactive drugs, it also did away with mandatory minimum sentences and provided more support for treatment and research. Over the next three decades, and in response to public alarm about drug abuse, the US Congress continuously amended the law to produce a more punitive system of drug control. The amendments, which gave the Drug Enforcement Administration greater control over scheduling and maintenance and which substantially increased penalties for illicit trafficking, transformed the law into the legal foundation of America's "drug war," as the stricter criminal approach came to be known. By the 1980s, the flexibility and innovative spirit of the original Controlled Substances Act (and that of Nixon-era drug strategy generally) had largely disappeared from American drug policy.
Benson, J; Nicholson, L A; Gaffikin, L; Kinoti, S N
The Commonwealth Regional Health Community Secretariat undertook a study in 1994 to document the magnitude of abortion complications in Commonwealth member countries. The results of the literature review component of that study, and research gaps identified as a result of the review, are presented in this article. The literature review findings indicate a significant public health problem in the region, as measured by a high proportion of incomplete abortion patients among all hospital gynaecology admissions. The most common complications of unsafe abortion seen at health facilities were haemorrhage and sepsis. Studies on the use of manual vacuum aspiration for treating abortion complications found shorter lengths of hospital stay (and thus, lower resource costs) and a reduced need for a repeat evacuation. Very few articles focused exclusively on the cost of treating abortion complications, but authors agreed that it consumes a disproportionate amount of hospital resources. Studies on the role of men in supporting a woman's decision to abort or use contraception were similarly lacking. Articles on contraceptive behaviour and abortion reported that almost all patients suffering from abortion complications had not used an effective, or any, method of contraception prior to becoming pregnant, especially among the adolescent population; studies on post-abortion contraception are virtually nonexistent. Almost all articles on the legal aspect of abortion recommended law reform to reflect a public health, rather than a criminal, orientation. Research needs that were identified include: community-based epidemiological studies; operations research on decentralization of post-abortion care and integration of treatment with post-abortion family planning services; studies on system-wide resource use for treatment of incomplete abortion; qualitative research on the role of males in the decision to terminate pregnancy and use contraception; clinical studies on pain control
Surveys conducted in Mexico by GIRE in 1992, 1994, and 1995 reveal that over 80% of the national population believes only a woman or a woman and her partner should make abortion decisions. Neither the government, the Church, nor physicians should intervene. Public opinion and the documented social and public health consequences of illegal abortion demonstrate the obsolescence of laws penalizing abortion. Mexico does not have a direct means of converting the opinions of the population into votes and laws. In place of referendums, committees of specialists have been convened; they are limited in number and ability to represent diverse groups, and oriented above all to the losses and gains of political and parliamentary disputes. The electoral reform of 1995-96 was a good example of the question under debate getting lost in partisan maneuvering. The Federal District and four states have initiated development of the referendum process, but the procedures have been too cumbersome and the results disappointing. In the current day, opinions are often formed not by following a rational process, but by bombardment with advertising appealing to irrational emotions. The democratic effects of referendum should be furthered by guaranteeing fair and exhaustive exposure of all points of view before the vote is held. GIRE recommends that a referendum on decriminalization of abortion should be preceded by a period of at least two years for public debate and reflection, and that the Federal Electoral Institute should organize the debate and the referendum.
Casas, Lidia; Vivaldi, Lieta
This article examines, from a human rights perspective, the experience of women, and the practices of health care providers regarding abortion in Chile. Most abortions, as high as 100,000 a year, are obtained surreptitiously and clandestinely, and income and connections play a key role. The illegality of abortion correlates strongly with vulnerability, feelings of guilt and loneliness, fear of prosecution, physical and psychological harm, and social ostracism. Moreover, the absolute legal ban on abortion has a chilling effect on health care providers and endangers women's lives and health. Although misoprostol use has significantly helped to prevent greater harm and enhance women's agency, a ban on sales created a black market. Against this backdrop, feminists have taken action in aid of women. For instance, a feminist collective opened a telephone hotline, Linea Aborto Libre (Free Abortion Line), which has been crucial in informing women of the correct and safe use of misoprostol. Chile is at a crossroads. For the first time in 24 years, abortion law reform seems plausible, at least when the woman's life or health is at risk and in cases of rape and fetal anomalies incompatible with life. The political scenario is unfolding as we write. Congressional approval does not mean automatic enactment of a new law; a constitutional challenge is highly likely and will have to be overcome. Copyright © 2014 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Pang, Gaobo; Warshawsky, Mark J
This article considers the employer's decision to continue or to drop health insurance coverage for its workers under the provisions of the 2010 health reform law, on the presumption that the primary influence on that decision is what will produce a higher worker standard of living during working years and retirement. The authors incorporate the most recent empirical estimates of health care costs into their long-horizon, optimal savings consumption model for workers. Their results show that the employer sponsorship of health plans is valuable for maintaining a consistent and higher living standard over the life cycle for middle- and upper-income households considered here, whereas exchange-purchased and subsidized coverage is more beneficial for lower income households (roughly 4-6% of illustrative single workers and 15-22% of working families).
On May 12, (1994) a subcommittee of the House Education and Labor Committee voted 16-11 in support of retaining abortion coverage in the President's proposed health care plan. With its vote, the Labor/Management Relations subcommittee rejected an amendment by Representative Ron Klink (D-PA), which would have allowed insurers to cover abortions only in cases of forcible rape or incest, or life endangerment. Two Republican Representatives joined 14 Democrats voting against the amendment, while 3 Democratic Representatives were among the 11 people supporting the Klink amendment. The subcommittee also defeated an amendment introduced by Representative Dick Armey (R-TX), which would have prohibited any language in a health care reform bill from overruling constitutional state laws restricting abortion. 14 subcommittee members voted against the Armey amendment; 11 voted in favor. The subcommittee is not expected to act on a final health care measure before the Memorial Day recess. In related news, a Veterans' Affairs House subcommittee voted 11-8 on May 11 to prohibit the performance of abortions at Department of Veterans' Affairs Hospitals or the coverage of abortion services by VA funds. The amendment was introduced in the Hospitals and Health Care subcommittee by Representative Chris Smith (R-NJ). Neither subcommittee action represents a final decision on abortion coverage in health care reform and none of the 5 Congressional committees considering health reform is expected to finalize their proposals before the Memorial Day recess. The Senate Labor and Human Resources Committee and the House Ways and Means Committee started work on health care reform on May 18. The Senate Finance Committee has only been meeting privately thus far, while neither the full House Education and Labor Committee nor the House Energy and Commerce Committee has met. full text
The United States' health care system is mired in uncertainty. Public opinion on the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act ("ACA") is undeniably mixed and politicized. The individual mandate, tax subsidies, and Medicaid expansion dominate the discussion. This Article argues that the ACA and reform discourse have given short shrift to a more static problem: the law of emergency care. The Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act of 1986 ("EMTALA") requires most hospitals to screen patients for emergency medical conditions and provide stabilizing treatment regardless of patients' insurance status or ability to pay. Remarkably, this law strengthened the health safety net in a country that has no universal health care. But it is an unfunded mandate that responded to the problem of emergency care in a flawed fashion and contributed to the supposed "free rider" problem that the ACA attempted to cure. But the ACA has also not been effective at addressing the issue of emergency care. The ACA's architects reduced funding for hospitals that serve a disproportionate percentage of the medically indigent but did not anticipate the Supreme Court's ruling in NFIB v. Sebelius, which made Medicaid expansion optional. Public and non-profit hospitals now face a scenario of less funding and potentially higher emergency room utilization due to continued uninsurance or underinsurance. Alternatives to the ACA have been insufficiently attentive to the importance of emergency care in our health system. This Article contends that any proposal that does not seriously consider EMTALA is incomplete and bound to produce some of the same problems that have dogged the American health care system for the past few decades. Moreover, the Article shows how notions of race, citizenship, and deservingness have filtered into this health care trajectory, and in the context of reform, have the potential to exacerbate existing health inequality. The paper concludes with normative suggestions on
Hisel, L M
This review traces the discussion of abortion in the US through 10 of the best books published on the subject in the past 25 years. The first book considered is Daniel Callahan's "Abortion: Law, Choice and Morality," which was published in 1970. Next is book of essays also published in 1970: "The Morality of Abortion: Legal and Historical Perspectives," which was edited by John T. Noonan, Jr., who became a prominent opponent to the Roe decision. It is noted that Roman Catholics would find the essay by Bernard Haring especially interesting since Haring supported the Church's position on abortion but called for acceptance of contraception. Third on the list is historian James C. Mohr's review of "Abortion in America: The Origins and Evolution of National Policy," which was printed five years after the Roe decision. Selection four is "Enemies of Choice: The Right-to-Life Movement and Its Threat to Abortion" by Andrew Merton. This 1981 publication singled out a concern about sexuality as the overriding motivator for anti-abortion groups. Two years later, Beverly Wildung Harrison published a ground-breaking, feminist, moral analysis of abortion entitled "Our Right to Choose: Toward a New Ethic of Abortion. This was followed by a more empirical and sociopolitical feminist analysis in Kristin Luker's 1984 "Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood." The seventh book is by another feminist, Rosalind Pollack Petchesky, whose work "Abortion and Women's Choice: The State, Sexuality, and Reproductive Freedom" was first published in 1984 and reprinted in 1990. The eighth important book was "Abortion and Catholicism: The American Debate," edited by Thomas A. Shannon and Patricia Beattie Jung. Rounding out the list are the 1992 work "Life Itself: Abortion in the American Mind" by Roger Rosenblatt and Ronald Dworkin's 1993 "Life's Dominion: An Argument About Abortion, Euthanasia, and Individual Freedom."
Chapman, S; Alpers, P; Agho, K; Jones, M
Background After a 1996 firearm massacre in Tasmania in which 35 people died, Australian governments united to remove semi‐automatic and pump‐action shotguns and rifles from civilian possession, as a key component of gun law reforms. Objective To determine whether Australia's 1996 major gun law reforms were associated with changes in rates of mass firearm homicides, total firearm deaths, firearm homicides and firearm suicides, and whether there were any apparent method substitution effects for total homicides and suicides. Design Observational study using official statistics. Negative binomial regression analysis of changes in firearm death rates and comparison of trends in pre–post gun law reform firearm‐related mass killings. Setting Australia, 1979–2003. Main outcome measures Changes in trends of total firearm death rates, mass fatal shooting incidents, rates of firearm homicide, suicide and unintentional firearm deaths, and of total homicides and suicides per 100 000 population. Results In the 18 years before the gun law reforms, there were 13 mass shootings in Australia, and none in the 10.5 years afterwards. Declines in firearm‐related deaths before the law reforms accelerated after the reforms for total firearm deaths (p = 0.04), firearm suicides (p = 0.007) and firearm homicides (p = 0.15), but not for the smallest category of unintentional firearm deaths, which increased. No evidence of substitution effect for suicides or homicides was observed. The rates per 100 000 of total firearm deaths, firearm homicides and firearm suicides all at least doubled their existing rates of decline after the revised gun laws. Conclusions Australia's 1996 gun law reforms were followed by more than a decade free of fatal mass shootings, and accelerated declines in firearm deaths, particularly suicides. Total homicide rates followed the same pattern. Removing large numbers of rapid‐firing firearms from civilians may be an effective way of
Chapman, S; Alpers, P; Agho, K; Jones, M
After a 1996 firearm massacre in Tasmania in which 35 people died, Australian governments united to remove semi-automatic and pump-action shotguns and rifles from civilian possession, as a key component of gun law reforms. To determine whether Australia's 1996 major gun law reforms were associated with changes in rates of mass firearm homicides, total firearm deaths, firearm homicides and firearm suicides, and whether there were any apparent method substitution effects for total homicides and suicides. Observational study using official statistics. Negative binomial regression analysis of changes in firearm death rates and comparison of trends in pre-post gun law reform firearm-related mass killings. Australia, 1979-2003. Changes in trends of total firearm death rates, mass fatal shooting incidents, rates of firearm homicide, suicide and unintentional firearm deaths, and of total homicides and suicides per 100 000 population. In the 18 years before the gun law reforms, there were 13 mass shootings in Australia, and none in the 10.5 years afterwards. Declines in firearm-related deaths before the law reforms accelerated after the reforms for total firearm deaths (p=0.04), firearm suicides (p=0.007) and firearm homicides (p=0.15), but not for the smallest category of unintentional firearm deaths, which increased. No evidence of substitution effect for suicides or homicides was observed. The rates per 100 000 of total firearm deaths, firearm homicides and firearm suicides all at least doubled their existing rates of decline after the revised gun laws. Australia's 1996 gun law reforms were followed by more than a decade free of fatal mass shootings, and accelerated declines in firearm deaths, particularly suicides. Total homicide rates followed the same pattern. Removing large numbers of rapid-firing firearms from civilians may be an effective way of reducing mass shootings, firearm homicides and firearm suicides. Published by the BMJ Publishing Group Limited. For
González Vélez, Ana Cristina; Jaramillo, Isabel Cristina
In May 2006, Colombia's Constitutional Court liberalized abortion, introducing three circumstances under which the procedure would not be considered a crime: (1) rape or incest; (2) a risk to the woman's health or life; and (3) fetal malformations incompatible with life. Immediately following the court's ruling, known as Sentence C-355, members of La Mesa por la Vida y Salud de las Mujeres (hereinafter La Mesa) began to mobilize to ensure the decision's implementation, bearing in mind the limited impact that the legal framework endorsed by the court has had in other countries in the region. We argue that La Mesa's strategy is an innovative one in the field of legal mobilization insofar as it presumes that law can be shaped not just by public officials and universities but also by social actors engaged in the creation and diffusion of legal knowledge. In this regard, La Mesa has become a legal expert on abortion by accumulating knowledge about the multiple legal rules affecting the practice of abortion and about the situations in which these rules are to be applied. In addition, by becoming a legal expert, La Mesa has been able to persuade health providers that they will not risk criminal prosecution or being fired if they perform abortions. We call this effect of legal mobilization a "pedagogical effect" insofar as it involves the production of expertise and appropriation of knowledge by health professionals. We conclude by discussing La Mesa's choice to become a legal expert on abortion as opposed to recruiting academics to do this work or encouraging women to produce and disseminate this knowledge.
Henshaw, S K; Singh, S; Haas, T
Accurate measurement of induced abortion levels has proven difficult in many parts of the world. Health care workers and policymakers need information on the incidence of both legal and illegal induced abortion to provide the needed services and to reduce the negative impact of unsafe abortion on women's health. Numbers and rates of induced abortions were estimated from four sources: official statistics or other national data on legal abortions in 57 countries; estimates based on population surveys for two countries without official statistics; special studies for 10 countries where abortion is highly restricted; and worldwide and regional estimates of unsafe abortion from the World Health Organization. Approximately 26 million legal and 20 million illegal abortions were performed worldwide in 1995, resulting in a worldwide abortion rate of 35 per 1,000 women aged 15-44. Among the subregions of the world, Eastern Europe had the highest abortion rate (90 per 1,000) and Western Europe to the lowest rate (11 per 1,000). Among countries where abortion is legal without restriction as to reason, the highest abortion rate, 83 per 1,000, was reported for Vietnam and the lowest, seven per 1,000, for Belgium and the Netherlands. Abortion rates are no lower overall in areas where abortion is generally restricted by law (and where many abortions are performed under unsafe conditions) than in areas where abortion is legally permitted. Both developed and developing countries can have low abortion rates. Most countries, however, have moderate to high abortion rates, reflecting lower prevalence and effectiveness of contraceptive use. Stringent legal restrictions do not guarantee a low abortion rate.
Yamamoto, K; Yamamoto, Y; Hayase, T
In Japan, the artificial abortion is a penal offence; only in the presence of certain conditions it is authorized under the provision of the Eugenic Protection Law which was promulgated in 1948. According to the law, the artificial abortion is restricted to the period, in which the fetus is not viable outside of the uterus. This period is prescribed by notification from the Ministry of Public Welfare; up to now it has been shortened twice (1976, 1991). Due to the introduction of economic reasons in the list of conditions and the simplification of the procedure the artificial abortion in Japan was virtually liberalized. Prosecution for illegal abortion is very rare in recent years. The number of reported artificial abortions decreases; in the about last 30 years it reduced by half. However, the increase in the number of abortions in women younger than 20 years of age is a problem. The abortion in teenagers is late compared with that in other age groups. Although the number of neonaticides does not seem to increase, the increase in the number of abortions in teenagers remains a serious problem in Japan.
To find the latest and most accurate information on aspects of induced abortion. A literature survey was carried out in which five aspects of abortion were scrutinised: risk to life, risk of breast cancer, risk to mental health, risk to future fertility, and fetal pain. Abortion is clearly safer than childbirth. There is no evidence of an association between abortion and breast cancer. Women who have abortions are not at increased risk of mental health problems over and above women who deliver an unwanted pregnancy. There is no negative effect of abortion on a woman's subsequent fertility. It is not possible for a fetus to perceive pain before 24 weeks' gestation. Misinformation on abortion is widespread. Literature and websites are cited to demonstrate how data have been manipulated and misquoted or just ignored. Citation of non-peer reviewed articles is also common. Mandates insisting on provision of inaccurate information in some US State laws are presented. Attention is drawn to how women can be misled by Crisis Pregnancy Centres. There is extensive promulgation of misinformation on abortion by those who oppose abortion. Much of this misinformation is based on distorted interpretation of the scientific literature.
Williams, Sigrid G; Roberts, Sarah; Kerns, Jennifer L
Abortion is a common and safe procedure in the United States, the regulation of which varies by state. Since 2011, hundreds of state-level abortion restrictions have been enacted by legislatures across the country. This study describes the effects of two such regulations enacted in 2011 in Arizona, (A.R.S.) 36-2153 and 36-2155, that imposed a 24-hour waiting period requiring two separate in-person clinic visits before obtaining an abortion and banned advanced practice clinicians such as physician assistants, nurse practitioners, and nurse midwives from inducing medication abortions by prescribing mifepristone. We conducted a pre-post study to describe the effect of Arizona's scope of practice law on abortion provision by county. Using publicly available data, we compared patterns of abortion provision in 2009 and 2010 (before the laws) with 2012 and 2013. Our primary objective was to compare the proportion of abortions performed with medication by prescription of mifepristone (versus abortions performed surgically, known as aspiration abortions) before and after the laws were enacted. Our secondary objectives were to report the number of counties that lost an abortion provider and the change in the proportion of abortions performed before 14 weeks' gestation of pregnancy after the enactment of the laws. After enactment of the laws, the proportion of Arizona's 15 counties with abortion clinics decreased from 33% to 13%. Over this time, the proportion of abortions performed with medication in Arizona decreased by 17.4% (95% CI, 16.6%-18.3%; p = .0002), from 47.6% to 30.2%. Similarly, the proportion of abortions performed before 14 weeks' gestation in Arizona decreased by 3.3% (95% CI, 2.8%-3.8%; p = .0002) after the enactment of these laws. The proportion of abortions performed with medication and the proportion of abortion performed before 14 weeks' gestation in Arizona were negatively affected by the enactment of these laws. These findings are not explained
Neeway, James J.; Qafoku, Nikolla; Brown, Christopher F.
Several supplemental technologies for treating and immobilizing Hanford low activity waste (LAW) have been evaluated. One such immobilization technology is the Fluidized Bed Steam Reforming (FBSR) granular product. The FBSR granular product is composed of insoluble sodium aluminosilicate (NAS) feldspathoid minerals. Production of the FBSR mineral product has been demonstrated both at the industrial and laboratory scale. Pacific Northwest National Laboratory (PNNL) was involved in an extensive characterization campaign. This goal of this campaign was study the durability of the FBSR mineral product and the mineral product encapsulated in a monolith to meet compressive strength requirements. This paper gives anmore » overview of results obtained using the ASTM C 1285 Product Consistency Test (PCT), the EPA Test Method 1311 Toxicity Characteristic Leaching Procedure (TCLP), and the ASTMC 1662 Single-Pass Flow-Through (SPFT) test. Along with these durability tests an overview of the characteristics of the waste form has been collected using Scanning Electron Microscopy (SEM), X-ray Diffraction (XRD), microwave digestions for chemical composition, and surface area from Brunauer, Emmett, and Teller (BET) theory.« less
This article considers the role of treatment in the provision of mental health care in England and Wales. The current legislative position with regard to the making of treatment choices following compulsory commitment will be examined. Consideration will also be given to the position of the informal hospitalised patient, as in the case of R v. Bournewood Community and Mental Health NHS Trust, ex parte L and finally, the role of the common law in establishing (in)capacity in relation to the non-consensual provision of treatment for physical conditions. Attention will then be given to the reform process, which is currently ongoing in England and Wales, and its likely impact on treatment provision. The Mental Capacity Act 2005 received Royal Assent on the 7th April 2005, while the draft Mental Health Bill 2004 underwent detailed examination by the Joint Scrutiny Committee, a report of which was published on the 23rd March 2005. On the 13th July 2005 the British Government outlined its response following the publication of the Scrutiny Committee's recommendations and despite it accepting many of the recommendations put forward, some significant areas of concern remain making the draft Mental Health Bill 2004 "a long way from acceptable legislation".
The scope of this study is to question the fact that in some countries in Latin America (Chile, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Honduras and the Dominican Republic) abortion is still forbidden in all situations. Even after all the debate on this thorny issue, the theory of human rights is not often used in the defense of abortion. This is clearly related to the pervasive, albeit unspoken belief that, due to their condition, pregnant women inherently lose their full human rights and should surrender and even give up their lives in favor of the unborn child. This article seeks to show that an adequate reading of the theory of human rights should include abortion rights through the first two trimesters of pregnancy, based on the fact that basic liberties can only be limited for the sake of liberty itself. It also seeks to respond to those who maintain that the abortion issue cannot be resolved since the exact point in the development of the embryo that distinguishes legitimate from illegitimate abortion cannot be determined. There are strong moral and scientific arguments for an approach capable of reducing uncertainty and establishing the basis for criminal law reforms that focus on the moral importance of trimester laws.
Rhodes, A M
The right to abortion is confirmed in the Roe versus Wade case, by the US Supreme Court. It is a fundamental right of privacy but not an absolute right, and must consider state interests. During the first trimester of pregnancy abortion is a decision of the woman and her doctor. During the second trimester of pregnancy the state may control the abortion practice to protect the mothers health, and in the last trimester, it may prohibit abortion, except in cases where the mother's life or health are in danger. The states enacted laws, including one that required parents to give written consent for a unmarried minor's abortion. This law was struck down by the US Court, but laws on notification were upheld as long as there was alternative procedures where the minor's interests are upheld. Many of these law have been challenged successfully, where the minor was judged mature and where it served her best interests. The state must enact laws on parental notification that take into consideration basic rights of the minor woman. Health professionals and workers should be aware of these laws and should encourage the minor to let parents in on the decision making process where possible.
In Jewish law right and wrong, good and evil, are absolute values which transcend time, place, and environment. They defy definition by human intuition or expediency. Jewish law derives from the Divine revelation at Mount Sinai as expounded by sages faithful to, and authorized by, its writ. The Talmud rules that if a woman is in hard travail, and her life must be saved, the child must be aborted and extracted. The mother's life comes first. The fetus is not a human life until it is born. But 19th century Rabbinical works state that it is immoral to destroy a monster child. Modern rabbis are unanimous in condemning abortion, feticide, or infanticide as an unconscionable attack on human life. However, Jewish law allows abortion if the pregnancy will cause severe psychological damage to the mother. No civilized society could survive without laws which occasionally cause some suffering or personal anguish. One human life is worth a million lives, because each life is infinite in value. In cases of rape or incest Jewish law still does not sanction abortion. Man's procreative responsibilities are serious and carry rights and obligations which would be upset by liberalized abortion laws. If a person kills a person who is mortally wounded, the killer is guilty of a moral offense.
Arredondo, J; Gaines, T; Manian, S; Vilalta, C; Bañuelos, A; Strathdee, S A; Beletsky, L
In 2009, Mexican Federal Government enacted "narcomenudeo" reforms decriminalizing possession of small amounts of drugs, delegating prosecution of retail drug sales to the state courts, and mandating treatment diversion for habitual drug users. There has been insufficient effort to formally assess the decriminalization policy's population-level impact, despite mounting interest in analagous reforms across the globe. Using a dataset of municipal police incident reports, we examined patterns of drug possession, and violent and non-violent crime arrests between January 2009 and December 2014. A hierarchical panel data analysis with random effects was conducted to assess the impact of narcomenudeo's drug decriminalization provision. The reforms had no significant impact on the number of drug possession or violent crime arrests, after controlling for other variables (e.g. time trends, electoral cycles, and precinct-level socioeconomic factors). Time periods directly preceding local elections were observed to be statistically associated with elevated arrest volume. Analysis of police statistics parallel prior findings that Mexico's reform decriminalizing small amounts of drugs does not appear to have significantly shifted drug law enforcement in Tijuana. More research is required to fully understand the policy transformation process for drug decriminalization and other structural interventions in Mexico and similar regional and international efforts. Observed relationship between policing and political cycles echo associations in other settings whereby law-and-order activities increase during mayoral electoral campaigns. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
Although French law allows each member of a medical department to determine whether or not he will perform an abortion, abortion is not an operation which saves life, but destroys it. Abortion does not revive a pathological problem, but social or personal distress, and the justification for abortion comes from outside the medical sphere. The body is becoming merely an agent of pleasure, and religious, ideological, philosophical, and moral principles are ignored. Abortion is a "blind spot" in medical science.
Johari, Veena; Jadhav, Uma
While granting a prisoner the right to abort her foetus, a recent Bombay High Court judgment recognised a woman's absolute right to abortion. This article discusses the judgment in detail and the bioethical debates over abortion rights. It deals with the restrictions imposed by the law not only on when the foetus can be aborted, but also who can get the abortion done and in what circumstances.
Madeira, Jody Lyneé
Assisted reproductive technologies and abortion prompt serious questions about how we should understand the complex relationship between money, markets, choice, and the care relationship. This essay defines "patient" and "consumer," and then describes how they are less important than their attributes. Then it describes theories of commodification and consumption in reproductive contexts and their consequences, from compliance and coercion to resistance and creativity. It also examines whether ART and abortion are "markets." Finally, this essay explores how the attributes which comprise the patient/consumer roles can be incorporated into health care reform, and the implications of health care reform models on ART and abortion. © 2015 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Inc.
Informed consent mandates for abortion providers may infringe the First Amendment's freedom of speech. On the other hand, they may reinforce the physician's duty to obtain informed consent. Courts can promote both doctrines by ensuring that compelled physician speech pertains to medical facts about abortion rather than abortion ideology and that compelled speech is truthful and not misleading. © 2015 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Inc.
The statutory opening of hospitals for ambulatory surgery can't without more ado be derived from the health-care reform which came into force on the 1st of January 1993. From the genesis of this reform it can be understood that the field of ambulatory surgery has been integrated just shortly before its legislation into the outlines of the health-care reform. As a consequence the hospitals are obliged to follow the principle "ambulatory before stationary" even in the stationary field. In this way the strict separation between the two fields (ambulatory and stationary) will be overcome to a great extent. Taking into consideration the further changes brought by the health-care reform in the stationary field new ranges of action for hospitals, with their chances but also their risks, have to be expected.
El Feki, Shereen; Avafia, Tenu; Fidalgo, Tania Martins; Divan, Vivek; Chauvel, Charles; Dhaliwal, Mandeep; Cortez, Clifton
The Global Commission on HIV and the Law was established in 2010 to identify and analyse the complex framework of international, national, religious and customary law shaping national responses to HIV and the well-being of people living with HIV and key populations. Two years of deliberation, based on an exhaustive review of international public health and human rights scholarship, as well as almost 700 testimonials from individuals and organizations in more than 130 countries, informed the Commission's recommendations on reform to laws and practices that criminalize those living with and vulnerable to HIV, sustain or mitigate violence and discrimination lived by women, facilitate or impede access to HIV-related treatment, and/or pertain to children and young people in the context of HIV. This paper presents the Commission's findings and recommendations as they relate to sexual and reproductive health and rights, and examines how the Commission's work intersects with strategic litigation on forced sterilization of women living with HIV, legal reform on the status of transgender individuals, initiatives to improve police treatment of female sex workers, and equal property rights for women living with HIV in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America. Copyright © 2014 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Italy pioneered deinstitutionalisation over the past 60 years and enforced a famous mental health (MH) reform law in 1978. Deinstitutionalisation has been completed with the very closure of all psychiatric hospitals over two decades. After 40 years of implementation, this article presents the main achievements and challenges of the Italian MH reform law, including its long-term effect and impact in Italy and abroad. The Legislation of 1978 was based on the discovery of rights as a key tool in mental healthcare. At the climax of crisis of psychiatric hospitals as total institutions in this country, through the new community-based system of care, it has fostered the lowest rate of involuntary care and gave back the full citizenship to people with MH disorders. This act was also part of a social movement for expanding civil and social rights, and a promise of a true paradigm shift not only in psychiatry, but also in the way of providing an adequate welfare community for all citizens. According to the WHO, the Italian city of Trieste, together with its region, is a practical example of how the Italian movement achieved deinstitutionalisation, intended as a complex process resulting in the gradual relocation of the economic and human resources and subsequent creation of 24 h services together with the development of social inclusion programmes. Even if the great principles of the Italian reform law were anticipatory (e.g., the UN Convention on Rights of Persons with Disabilities - CRPD), the law application has been poorly provided with resources and did not follow those avant-garde experiences as models. Limitations are evident today especially at the organisational levels, such as services capable to take up the challenge and transforming the field, left free from the imprint of total institutions. These endemic critical aspects concerning to implementation policies, together with the financial crisis of the Italian healthcare system, must be taken into consideration
Lithur, Nana Oye
Traditional and cultural values, social perceptions, religious teachings and criminalisation have facilitated stigmatisation of abortion in Ghana. Abortion is illegal in Ghana except in three instances. Though the law allows for performance of abortion in three circumstances, the Ghana reproductive health service policy did not have any induced legal abortion services component to cover the three exceptions until it was revised in 2003. The policy only had 'unsafe and post-abortion' care components, and abortions performed in health facilities operated by the Ghana Health Service were performed under this component. Though the policy has been revised, women and girls who need abortion services in Ghana more often resort to the backstreet dangerous methods and procedures. Criminalisation of abortion and those who perform abortions has contributed to unsafe abortion, the second leading cause of maternal deaths in Ghana. Most of these are performed outside the formal health service structures. Traditionally, abortion is perceived as a shameful act and the community may shun and give a woman who has caused anabortion derogatory names. Would provision of legal abortion services be culturally acceptable within a Ghanaian community? Yes, if they are made aware of the reproductive health benefits of providing safe abortion services. Three major strategies that would help to destigmatise abortion in the community are (1) the liberal interpretation of the three exceptions to the law on abortion; (2) expanding community awareness of its reproductive health benefits; and (3) improving and increasing access to legal abortion services within the formal health facilities.
A table showing the current status of abortion in the world based on two recent and detailed studies is presented. Countries are categorized according to whether they totally prohibit abortion, permit it to save the mother's life, permit it to preserve her physical health or mental health, permit it for maternal socioeconomic reasons, or provide it at the mother's request. The countries are grouped into 5 geographic areas: America and the Caribbean; Central Asia, Middle East, and North Africa; East and South Asia and the Pacific; Europe; sub-Saharan Africa. The trend toward liberalization of laws is clear. The development of abortion laws is moving in the direction of complete legalization, that is, the creation of health norms that facilitate abortion for all women, with guarantees of medical safety. There are still countries that move to restrict access to abortion, and in a few cases, such as Colombia and Poland, legalization and prohibition have alternated depending on the social and political circumstances of the moment. In the past 12 years, 28 countries liberalized their laws in some way, while 4 countries with close ties to the Vatican restricted or prohibited access.
White, Kari; Yeager, Valerie A; Menachemi, Nir; Scarinci, Isabel C
We conducted in-depth interviews in May to July 2012 to evaluate the effect of Alabama's 2011 omnibus immigration law on Latina immigrants and their US- and foreign-born children's access to and use of health services. The predominant effect of the law on access was a reduction in service availability. Affordability and acceptability of care were adversely affected because of economic insecurity and women's increased sense of discrimination. Nonpregnant women and foreign-born children experienced the greatest barriers, but pregnant women and mothers of US-born children also had concerns about accessing care. The implications of restricting access to health services and the potential impact this has on public health should be considered in local and national immigration reform discussions.
Cook, R J; Dickens, B M; Horga, M
In 2003, the World Health Organization published its well referenced handbook Safe Abortion: Technical and Policy Guidance for Health Systems to address the estimated almost 20 million induced abortions each year that are unsafe, imposing a burden of approximately 67 thousand deaths annually. It is a global injustice that 95% of unsafe abortions occur in developing countries. The focus of guidance is on abortion procedures that are lawful within the countries in which they occur, noting that in almost all countries, the law permits abortion to save a woman's life. The guidance treats unsafe abortion as a public health challenge, and responds to the problem through strategies concerning improved clinical care for women undergoing procedures, and the appropriate placement of necessary services. Legal and policy considerations are explored, and annexes present guidance to further reading, international consensus documents on safe abortion, and on manual vacuum aspiration and post-abortion contraception.
Sutton, Barbara; Borland, Elizabeth
In recent years, there have been calls in activist spaces to 'queer' abortion rights advocacy and to incorporate non-normative notions of gender identity and sexuality into abortion struggles and services. Argentina provides an interesting site in which to examine these developments, since there is a longstanding movement for abortion rights in a context of illegal abortion and a recent ground-breaking Gender Identity Law that recognises key trans rights. In this paper, we analyse public documents from the abortion rights movement's main coalition - the National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe and Free Abortion - alongside interviews with 19 Campaign activists to examine shifts and tensions in contemporary abortion rights activism. We trace the incorporation of trans-inclusive language into the newly proposed abortion rights bill and conclude by pointing to contextual factors that may limit or enhance the further queering of abortion rights.
Geary, Cynthia Waszak; Gebreselassie, Hailemichael; Awah, Paschal; Pearson, Erin
Despite Zambia's relatively progressive abortion law, women continue to seek unsafe, illegal abortions. Four domains of abortion attitudes - support for legalization, immorality, rights, and access to services - were measured in 4 communities. A total of 668 people were interviewed. Associations among the 4 domains were inconsistent with expectations. The belief that abortion is immoral was widespread, but was not associated with lack of support for legalization. Instead, it was associated with belief that women need access to safe services. These findings suggest that increasing awareness about abortion law in Zambia may be important for encouraging more favorable attitudes. Copyright © 2012 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Herr, Stanley S.
Forms of guardianship for U.S. individuals with disabilities are reviewed, and Swedish legal and public policy innovations that replace guardianship with personal support services, such as mentors and personal assistants, are considered. The impact of Sweden's reforms on autonomy, independence, and integration is addressed. (Author/SW)
Yang, Elizabeth M.
Focuses on the rationale for campaign finance reform, preventing corruption or the appearance of corruption in the electoral process, and the need for balancing the constitutional rights protected by the First Amendment. Discusses the issues of disclosure, contribution limits, issue advocacy, and soft money. Includes teaching activities and…
Boersma, A A; de Bruijn, J G M
Most islands in the West Indies do not have liberal laws on abortion, nor laws on pregnancy prevention programmes (contraception). We present results of a literature review about the attitude of healthcare providers and women toward (emergency) contraception and induced abortion, prevalence, methods and juridical aspects of induced abortion and prevention policies. Articles were obtained from PubMed, EMBASE, MEDLINE, PsychlNFO and Soclndex (1999 to 2010) using as keywords contraception, induced abortion, termination of pregnancy, medical abortion and West Indies. Thirty-seven articles met the inclusion criteria: 18 on contraception, 17 on induced abortion and two on both subjects. Main results indicated that healthcare providers' knowledge of emergency contraception was low. Studies showed a poor knowledge of contraception, but counselling increased its effective use. Exact numbers about prevalence of abortion were not found. The total annual number of abortions in the West Indies is estimated at 300 000; one in four pregnancies ends in an abortion. The use of misoprostol diminished the complications of unsafe abortions. Legislation of abortion varies widely in the different islands in the West Indies: Cuba, Puerto Rico, Martinique, Guadeloupe and St Martin have legal abortions. Barbados was the first English-speaking island with liberal legislation on abortion. All other islands have restrictive laws. Despite high estimated numbers of abortion, research on prevalence of abortion is missing. Studies showed a poor knowledge of contraception and low use among adolescents. Most West Indian islands have restrictive laws on abortion.
States with separation of powers , including executive, legislative, and judicial branches, granted by the 1917 Constitution. The executive branch role...law system prevents an overreaching judicial branch from legislating new laws. This provides a strong separation of powers . However, when coupled
Dayton, John; Dupre, Anne Proffitt
This article presents the findings of research into the bullying laws in the United States. Against the backdrop of international law, it addresses children's rights to protection from bullying in US schools. It includes recommendations for improving anti-bullying legislation based on state anti-bullying legislation in the United States, and…
The preabortion interview required by French law takes place between the medical consultation and the aspiration or administration of RU-486. The three marriage counselors at the Center for Social Gynecology in Marseilles have each undertaken a course of personal therapy to enable them to understand their own reactions and motivations as a way of improving their effectiveness with clients. The preabortion interview is an opportunity to listen to and support women who may be experiencing anguish, sadness, ambivalence, or aggressivity. Each client determines the content of the interview. Often the reason for the abortion is given, frequently in terms of economic problems, unemployment, or other justification. The women almost always state that they "cannot", not that they "do not want", to continue the pregnancy, as if external circumstances had made their decision. The decision is usually made with little discussion. Young adolescents are often astounded to find themselves pregnant. Among young girls, the pregnancy may represent an appeal to the parents for attention or understanding. Sometimes the abortion represents a repetition or a reminder of some difficult event in the past, such as a previous abortion or the death of a child. Often the abortion exacerbates problems in the couple's relationship. The mother often experiences rejection of the pregnancy by the father as rejection of herself. Repeat abortions raise questions about whether some aspect of counseling was neglected. The abortion request always occasions a great feeling of guilt, both for being pregnant and for refusing the pregnancy. The interview permits the client to express her feelings and may help her make sense of the experience.
Rossi, A S; Sitaraman, B
Reform of abortion laws in the United States stemmed from concern over the health consequences of illegal abortion. Feminists were relative latecomers to the movement, and abortion did not become a major political issue until after the Roe v. Wade decision by the Supreme Court. Most social scientists began to study public attitudes toward abortion, which have been relatively stable since that 1973 decision, only after the Supreme Court ruling, and they thus probably missed documenting the period in which the major attitudinal changes occurred. Polls showed that the American public is most likely to approve of abortion when there is a fetal defect and when the pregnancy endangers maternal health or is the result of rape. These single reasons do not seem to jibe with the complexities of real life, however: The majority of women who have abortions indicate more than one reason for doing so, and the major reasons given concern the conflicting responsibilities of school, work and family and an inability to afford another child. A view of the abortion controversy that puts it into a larger context than do most polls and most American research suggests that legal abortion in the United States is unlikely to be jeopardized in the long run. The trend in most Western industrial nations is toward a more secularized society that features more individual discretion and less control by religious and political institutions over private aspects of life. In the immediate future, a number of factors will perpetuate the need for access to abortion. Among them are early sexual activity that often results in pregnancies among very young women; dim prospects for innovative technological advances in the contraceptive field; and the AIDS epidemic, which may result in the use of contraceptives that are more effective against that deadly virus but less effective at preventing pregnancy. Nor will abortion decisions become any easier for the families and individuals involved, as technology
Watter, W W
There is no scientific evidence to support the hypothesis put forth by Dr. Philip Ney in a recent article published in the Canadian Journal of Psychiatry that induced abortion is associated with an increase in child abuse. There are, however, numerous studies which support the contention that mandatory motherhood adversely affects the mental health of both the mother and the offspring. Studies conducted in Sweden, Scotland, and Czechoslovakia revealed that women who were refused abortions frequently experienced serious psychosocial difficulties for long periods of time following abortion refusal. Case controlled follow-up studies, conducted in Sweden and Czechoslovakia, of offspring born to women who were refused abortions demonstrated that a higher proportion of the unwanted children required psychiatric services, engaged in criminal behavior, and did less well in school than the controlled children. These studies have implications for the current Canadian law which permits a woman to obtain an abortion if pregnancy continuation will endanger her health. In view of the above statistical evidence, and the fact that mortality and morbidity are known to be lower for abortion than for childbirth, any person who denies a woman the right to have an abortion is increasing the risk that the health of the woman will be endangered. By law, therefore, all abortion requests should be honored.
Tuladhar, H; Risal, A
World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that about 25.0% of all pregnancies worldwide end in induced abortion, approximately 50 million each year. More than half of these abortions are performed under unsafe conditions resulting in high maternal mortality ratio specially in developing countries like Nepal. Abortion was legalized under specified conditions in March 2002 in Nepal. But still a large proportion of population are unaware of the legalization and the conditions under which it is permitted. Legal reform alone cannot reduce abortion related deaths in our country. This study was undertaken with the main objective to study the level of awareness about legalization of abortion in women attending gyne out patients department of Nepal Medical College Teaching Hospital (NMCTH), which will give a baseline knowledge for further dissemination and advocacy about abortion law. Total 200 women participated in the study. Overall 133 (66.5%) women said they were aware of legalization of abortion in Nepal. Women of age group 20-34 years, urban residents, service holders, Brahmin/Chhetri caste and with higher education were more aware about it. Majority (92.0%) of the women received information from the media. Detail knowledge about legal conditions under which abortion can be performed specially in second trimester was found to be poor. Large proportion (71.0%) of the women were still unaware of the availability of comprehensive abortion care services at our hospital, which is being provided since last seven years. Public education and advocacy campaigns are crucial to create awareness about the new legislation and availability of services. Unless the advocacy and awareness campaign reaches women, they are not likely to benefit from the legal reform and services.
Edwards, R B
This essay seeks to reveal the weakness in arguments against public funding of abortions and abortion counseling in the US based on economic, ethico-religious, anti-racist, and logical-consistency objections and to show that public funding of abortion is strongly supported by appeals to basic human rights, to freedom of speech, to informed consent, to protection from great harm, to justice, and to equal protection under the law. The first part of the article presents the case against public funding with detailed considerations of the economic argument, the ethico/religious argument, the argument that such funding supports racist genocide or eugenic quality control, and arguments that a logical inconsistency exists between the principles used to justify the legalization of abortions and arguments for public funding. The second part of the article presents the case for public funding by discussing the spending of public funds on morally offensive programs, arguments for public funding of abortion counseling for the poor, and arguments for public funding of abortions for the poor. It is concluded that it is morally unacceptable and rationally unjustifiable to refuse to expend public funds for abortions for low income women, because after all most money for legal abortions for the poor comes from welfare payments made to women. If conservative forces want to insure that no public funds pay for abortions, they must stop all welfare payments to pregnant women.
Jiang, Guoping; Lo, T Wing
Scholars categorize societies into "rule of man" societies, "rule by law" societies, and "rule of law" societies on the basis of a status of law. After 1978, China's leaders invoked law as an alternative to the arbitrariness of the Cultural Revolution. In this study, we used quantitative methods to explore university students' views on the status of law in post-reform China. Surveys were conducted in three national universities located in different regions of China. Responses from university students show that their perceptions of well-developed legislation and perceptions of the publicity of law are associated with their perceptions of equality before the law, which could be the consequence of a "rule of law" system. However, the study found that university students are of the view that the political nature of legislation and interference in law enforcement moderate the relationship between legislation and equality before the law. The political nature of legislation also moderates the mediation effect of interference in law enforcement between law publicity and equality before the law. As such, the article concludes that although university students are no longer primary movers in China's social and political development after the Tiananmen incident, they are still knowledgeable if not critical about the status of law and its political implications. © The Author(s) 2015.
Umuhoza, Chantal; Oosters, Barbara; van Reeuwijk, Miranda; Vanwesenbeeck, Ine
In June 2012, a new abortion law came into effect in Rwanda as part of a larger review of Rwanda's penal code. This was a significant step in a country where it was previously taboo even to discuss abortion. This article describes some of the crucial elements in how this success was achieved in Rwanda, which began through a project launched by Rutgers WPF on "sensitive issues in young people's sexuality" in several countries. This paper describes how the Rwandan Youth Action Movement decided to work on unsafe abortion as part of this project. They gathered data on the extent of unsafe abortion and testimonies of young Rwandan women in prison for abortions; organized debates, values clarification exercises, interviews and a survey in four universities; launched a petition for law reform; produced awareness-raising materials; worked with the media; and met with representatives from government ministries, the national women's and youth councils, and parliamentarians - all of which played a significant role in the advocacy process for amendment of the law, which was revised when the penal code came up for review in June 2012. This history shows how important the role of young people can be in producing change and exposes, through personal stories, the need for a better abortion law, not only in Rwanda but also elsewhere. Copyright © 2013 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Stigma taints individuals with a spoiled identity and loss of status or discrimination. This article is the first to examine the stigma attached to abortion and surrogacy and consider how law may stigmatize women for failing to conform to social expectations about maternal roles. Courts should consider evidence of stigma when evaluating laws regulating abortion or surrogacy to determine whether these laws are based on impermissible gender stereotyping. © 2015 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Inc.
Dalvie, Suchitra S
This article gives an overview of what is known about second trimester abortions in India, including the reasons why women seek abortions in the second trimester, the influence of abortion law and policy, surgical and medical methods used, both safe and unsafe, availability of services, requirements for second trimester service delivery, and barriers women experience in accessing second trimester services. Based on personal experiences and personal communications from other doctors since 1993, when I began working as an abortion provider, the practical realities of second trimester abortion and case histories of women seeking second trimester abortion are also described. Recommendations include expanding the cadre of service providers to non-allopathic clinicians and trained nurses, introducing second trimester medical abortion into the public health system, replacing ethacridine lactate with mifepristone-misoprostol, values clarification among providers to challenge stigma and poor treatment of women seeking second trimester abortion, and raising awareness that abortion is legal in the second trimester and is mostly not requested for reasons of sex selection.
Abortion was legalized in Hong Kong on February 17 when the Legislative Council, by a vote of 40 to 7, approved the controversial abortion bill. Passage of the measure immediately drew a reaction from Catholic Bishop John Baptist Wu who denounced it as against the principles of human rights. He said that unborn children, regardless of whether or not they had a suspected handicap, have the right to live. He said that: "If we ignore or deny this right, we discriminate against the weak and the helpless. Such discrimination against unborn children threatens our own humanity." Under the law, abortion is virtually allowed on demand for girls under 16 years old. It also permits abortion if 2 doctors render an opinion that the unborn child might be seriously handicapped. Prior to the enactment of the abortion law, termination of pregnancy was allowed in the Colony only if 2 doctors certified that a woman would risk serious injury or her life by continuing the pregnancy. In approving the legislation, the Council said abortion could also be available for victims of rape or incest, provided the offense is reported to the police within 3 months and there are medical grounds for an abortion. It stressed that the law will not permit termination of any pregnancy when it exceeds 24 weeks' duration.
Pollack, A E; Pine, R N
International experience compels us to revisit how we define and assess the safety and efficacy of medical abortifacients such as misoprostol. In some countries where safe abortion is neither accessible nor legal, even unsupervised, off-protocol use of misoprostol can provide women with a means to safely terminate pregnancy. This is due primarily to misoprostol-induced uterine contractions that cause bleeding, which in turn provides access to existing reasonable quality health services that would otherwise be unavailable. Several studies have suggested that an increase in the underground use of misoprostol in Brazil has already reduced serious complications from unsafe abortion. Thus, the availability of medical abortifacients combined with strengthened postabortion care services can legitimately be considered a public health success in countries in which safe abortion services do not exist and law reform is unlikely.
O'Neil, Mary Lou
Despite the existence of a liberal law on abortion in Turkey, there is growing evidence that actually securing an abortion in Istanbul may prove difficult. This study aimed to determine whether or not state hospitals and private hospitals that accept state health insurance in Istanbul are providing abortion services and for what indications. Between October and December 2015, a mystery patient telephone survey of 154 hospitals, 43 public and 111 private, in Istanbul was conducted. 14% of the state hospitals in Istanbul perform abortions without restriction as to reason provided in the current law while 60% provide the service if there is a medical necessity. A quarter of state hospitals in Istanbul do not provide abortion services at all. 48.6% of private hospitals that accept the state health insurance also provide for abortion without restriction while 10% do not provide abortion services under any circumstances. State and private hospitals in Istanbul are not providing abortion services to the full extent allowed under the law. The low numbers of state hospitals offering abortions without restriction indicates a de facto privatization of the service. This same trend is also visible in many private hospitals partnering with the state that do not provide abortion care. While many women may choose a private provider, the lack of provision of abortion care at state hospitals and those private hospitals working with the state leaves women little option but to purchase these services from private providers at some times subtantial costs.
Studied abortion rates among teenagers in 1,024 counties in 18 states that report abortion numbers. Results show that counties with high levels of religious membership were more likely to be in a state with a parental involvement law for teenage abortions. Both religious membership level and a parental involvement law were negatively related to…
... Headache You may be given medications to manage pain during and after the medical abortion. You may also be given antibiotics, although infection after medical abortion is rare. Your health care provider will explain how much pain and bleeding to expect, depending on the number ...
Abstract This article proposes a relational approach to the study of abortion law reform in Brazil. It focuses on the interaction of pro-choice and anti-abortion movements in different state arenas and political contexts. It details the emergence of a strategic action field on abortion during the Brazilian re-democratization process and the National Constituent Assembly. We offer analysis on pro-choice and anti-abortion mobilization in state arenas—mainly in the executive and legislative powers—during the two terms of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC), 1995–1998 and 1999–2002, and the first term of President Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (Lula), 2003–2006. We then map political resources for mobilization, such as legislative bills, public policy norms, and judicial decisions, and track legal continuities and changes. Finally, we analyze anti-abortion reaction, which was consolidated through an increased conservative presence in congress after 2006, and discuss how the abortion debate has migrated from congress to the Supreme Court and the public sphere. PMID:28630546
Isambert, F A
Abortion is a thorny problem whose study is problematic because it is a source of social and juridical discord, of moral incertitude, of medical and psychiatric confusion, and of personal anguish. The question arises of whether a single perspective can be found which allows comprehension of the entire phenomenon. This work uses published sources to examine the abortion debate, beginning with the varying views of abortion expressed in the struggles to liberalize abortion legislation in France, Europe, and the US. 4 particular views of abortion were identified in the Paris press; the traditional religious view, which condemns abortion because the fetus is regarded as fully human from conception; the view of abortion as a means of fertility regulation; the view of abortion as a cause of public health problems that could be alleviated through legalization and medical control; and the view that abortion allows women to control their own bodies. The law is obliged to reconcile these diverse positions. Abortion legislation in different countries ranges along a continuum from severe to lenient, but regional variations are also evident. Abortion trials in the US and France shortly before liberalization of the laws of either country showed striking similarities but also notable differences due largely to dissimilarities in the social structures of the 2 countries. The relations between the individual and the state, morality, and the law, as reflected in the abortion debate, rested on inverse bases in the 2 countries. The typically American doctrine of privacy occupied a prominent place in the American legislation, while the French was more concerned with the humanitarian goal of reducing health damage from illegal abortions. Tension and ambiguity nevertheless unavoidably characterize the abortion regulations in the 2 countries. Abortion as an institution is a controlled and practical compromise between 2 poles, those giving primacy to individual interests, as in the US, and
Thomison, J B
Abortion is not a medical issue, as the law would like to make it when requesting definitions of when life begins. To medicine, life begins at conception. conception is the 1st step in the miracle of life. It is up to the law and society to determine when life begins legally. Doctors have responsibilities as citizens to do what they can to support laws they believe in. The American Medical Association has remained neutral on the issue. Abortion can be ethical if the mother's life is threatened. But it is unethical and unconstitutional when it is done out of convenience to correct indiscretions.
Mayrowetz, David; Lapham, John
When courts engage in educational policymaking through what is called "public law litigation," they set foot in unsettled territory. Framing the authors' work in legal studies literature, this article relays how one court engaged in a sweeping reform of special education in Chicago and teacher certification in the entire state of…
Ngwena, Charles G
Article 14(2)(c) of the Protocol to the African Charter on the Rights of Women enjoins States Parties to take appropriate measures "to protect the reproductive rights of women by authorising medical abortion in cases of sexual assault, rape, incest, and where continued pregnancy endangers the mental and physical health of the mother or the life of the mother or the foetus." This paper considers the implications of Article 14 for access to safe, legal abortion. It is submitted that Article 14 has the potential to impact positively on regional abortion law, policy, and practice in 3 main areas. First, it takes forward the global consensus on combating abortion as a major public health danger. Second, it provides African countries with not just an incentive, but also an imperative for reforming abortion laws in a transparent manner. Third, if implemented in the context of a treaty that centers on the equality and non-discrimination of women, Article 14 has the potential to contribute toward transforming access to abortion from a crime and punishment model to a reproductive health model. Copyright 2010 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics. Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
The letter is an answer to a previous letter which appeared in the same journal and which was discrediting, according to the author of this letter, the Royal Commission on Contraception, Sterilization, and Abortion. The earlier letter refutes a quote from "Abortion and Social Justice" used by the Commission, regarding the situation in Colorado after rape became an indication for abortion. The quote reports that although between 1967-1971 the number of abortions for rape totalled 290, no rapist was charged or convicted for the crime. However, according to the author of this letter, the actual quote reads somewhat differently, and states that, during the same period, "no rapist was ever charged with his crime, much less convicted of it, which casts some real doubts on the reality of the alleged rapes." The meaning of this passage is that none of the alleged rapists had actually caused the 290 pregnancies. From records and government statistics it is possible to count about 3300 cases of rape known to the police in Colorado for the years 1967-1971. To suggest that none of these cases were charged or convicted is ridiculous. The author also states that rape as an indication for abortion will lead to abuse of the law, and that pregnancy for actual rape is rare.
Palmer, Stacy E.
Government, university, and private foundation officials are worried about the effects of the tax law on graduate students. The National Science Foundation is considering compensating students for the amount of new taxes they will owe. Foreign students are expected to incur substantial increases in U.S. taxes. (MLW)
Group of Eight (NJ1), 2010
It is widely stated that a purpose of patent law is to encourage inventors to innovate and to disclose their inventions for the benefit of society. In return for this disclosure they receive a limited exploitation monopoly defined essentially by commercial pursuits. A necessary implication of the requirement of disclosure is that knowledge…
Super, David A
The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) transformed U.S. public law in crucial ways extending far beyond health care. As important as were the doctrinal shifts wrought by National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius, the ACA's structural changes to public law likely will prove far more important should they become entrenched. The struggle over the ACA has triggered the kind of "constitutional moment" that has largely replaced Article V's formal amendment procedure since the Prohibition fiasco. The Court participates in this process, but the definitive and enduring character of these constitutional moments' outcomes springs from broad popular engagement. Despite the Court's ruling and the outcome of the 2012 elections, the battle over whether to implement or shelve the ACA will continue unabated, both federally and in the states, until We the People render a clear decision. Whether the ACA survives or fails will determine the basic principles that guide the development of federalism, social insurance, tax policy, and privatization for decades to come. In each of these areas, the New Deal bequeathed us a delicate accommodation between traditionalist social values and modernizing norms of economic efficiency and interest group liberalism. This balance has come under increasing stress, with individual laws rejecting tradition far more emphatically than the New Deal did. But absent broad popular engagement, no definitive new principles could be established. The ACA's entrenchment would elevate technocratic norms across public law, the first change of our fundamental law since the civil rights revolution. The ACA's failure would rejuvenate individualistic, moralistic, pre-New Deal norms and allow opponents to attempt a counterrevolution against technocracy.
An attempt is made to identify and document the problems of comparative evaluation of the more recent studies of psychiatric morbidity after abortion and to determine the current consensus so that when the results of the joint RCGP/RCOG study of the sequelae of induced abortion become available they can be viewed in a more informed context. The legalization of abortion has provided more opportunities for studies of subsequent morbidity. New laws have contributed to the changing attitudes of society, and the increasing acceptability of the operation has probably influenced the occurrence of psychiatric sequelae. The complexity of measuring psychiatric sequelae is evident from the many terms used to describe symptomatology and behavioral patterns and from the number of assessment techniques involved. Numerous techniques have been used to quantify psychiatric sequelae. Several authors conclude that few psychiatric problems follow an induced abortion, but many studies were deficient in methodology, material, or length of follow-up. A British study in 1975 reported a favorable outcome for a "representative sample" of 50 National Health Service patients: 68% of these patients had an absence of or only mild feelings of guilt, loss, or self reproach and considered abortion as the best solution to their problem. The 32% who had an adverse outcome reported moderate to severe feelings of guilt, regret, loss, and self reproach, and there was evidence of mental illness. In most of these cases the adverse outcome was related to the patient's environment since the abortion. A follow-up study of 126 women, which compared the overall reaction to therapeutic abortion between women with a history of previous mild psychiatric illness and those without reported that a significantly different emotional reaction could not be demonstrated between the 2 groups. In a survey among women seeking an abortion 271 who were referred for a psychiatric opinion regarding terminations of pregnancy
Windows of opportunity for changing drug laws open infrequently and they often close without legislative change being affected. In this paper the author, who has been intimately involved in the process, describes how evidence-based recommendations to 'decriminalize' cannabis have recently been progressed through public debate and the political process to become law in Western Australia (WA). The Cannabis Control Bill 2003 passed the WA Parliament on 23 September. The Bill, the legislative backing behind the Cannabis Infringement Notice (CIN) Scheme, came into effect on 22 March 2004. This made WA the fourth Australian jurisdiction, after South Australia, the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory, to adopt a prohibition with civil penalties scheme for minor cannabis offences. This paper describes some of the background to the scheme, the process by which it has become law, the main provisions of the scheme and its evaluation. It includes reflections on the role of politics and the press in the process. The process of implementation and evaluation are outlined by the author, foreshadowing an ongoing opportunity to understand the impact of the change in legislation.
... several hours. Your provider may prescribe medicine for pain and nausea if needed to ease your discomfort during this process. ... Risks of medical abortion include: Continued bleeding Diarrhea ... body, making surgery necessary Infection Nausea Pain Vomiting
In 1992 the German Statutory Health Insurance body was in the red by about 9,000 million DM and had the highest membership fees ever since it was created. Costing analysis revealed the following reasons for this enormous deficit: too expensive hospital financing a continually growing number of doctors and dental surgeons unrational drug prescription and supply. Of course, medical progress and demographic development are very significant costing factors. When assessing the impact of the Structural Reform Legislation we must differentiate between purely cost-reducing measures and structural changes. Cutting down the budgets in essential areas of compensation payment and slashing doctor's fees are like putting your foot down on the brake pedal. The statutory health insurance data for the first two quarters showed: doctors +3.4%, dental surgeons -4.3%. Limiting the budget for drugs to about 24,000 million DM and for remedial items to about 4,000 million DM with a possible collective slashing of the fees paid to doctors if these budgets were exceeded, proved to be an effective cost-reducing measure. In the case of drugs costs went down by 20.1% compared with the previous year (1992) due to an halt in prices charged by the drug industry and greater financial participation on the part of the patients. Prescriptions were reduced to a comparatively slight extent (1-2%), but the mode of prescription was much more economical.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)
Evidence suggests that there is widespread home use of abortion pills in Ireland and that ending a pregnancy in this way is potentially safer than the alternatives available to many women. This paper argues that there is a strong case for women with unwanted pregnancies to be offered truthful and objective information regarding the use of abortion pills by trusted local professionals and, further, that this is possible within existing law. A move in this direction would not, however, negate the need for legal reform to address the fundamental moral incoherence of a law that treats women who terminate pregnancies within Ireland as criminals but those who travel to access services overseas as victims in need of support. In support of these arguments, the paper draws on both library research and a small number of interviews with government officials, service providers and activists. Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Villelli, Nicolas W; Yan, Hong; Zou, Jian; Barbaro, Nicholas M
OBJECTIVE Several similarities exist between the Massachusetts health care reform law of 2006 and the Affordable Care Act (ACA). The authors' prior neurosurgical research showed a decrease in uninsured surgeries without a significant change in surgical volume after the Massachusetts reform. An analysis of the payer-mix status and the age of spine surgery patients, before and after the policy, should provide insight into the future impact of the ACA on spine surgery in the US. METHODS Using the Massachusetts State Inpatient Database and spine ICD-9-CM procedure codes, the authors obtained demographic information on patients undergoing spine surgery between 2001 and 2012. Payer-mix status was assigned as Medicare, Medicaid, private insurance, uninsured, or other, which included government-funded programs and workers' compensation. A comparison of the payer-mix status and patient age, both before and after the policy, was performed. The New York State data were used as a control. RESULTS The authors analyzed 81,821 spine surgeries performed in Massachusetts and 248,757 in New York. After 2008, there was a decrease in uninsured and private insurance spine surgeries, with a subsequent increase in the Medicare and "other" categories for Massachusetts. Medicaid case numbers did not change. This correlated to an increase in surgeries performed in the age group of patients 65-84 years old, with a decrease in surgeries for those 18-44 years old. New York showed an increase in all insurance categories and all adult age groups. CONCLUSIONS After the Massachusetts reform, spine surgery decreased in private insurance and uninsured categories, with the majority of these surgeries transitioning to Medicare. Moreover, individuals who were younger than 65 years did not show an increase in spine surgeries, despite having greater access to health insurance. In a health care system that requires insurance, the decrease in private insurance is primarily due to an increasing elderly
Aspects of legal and illegal abortion in Switzerland are discussed. About 110,000 births, 25,000 therapeutic abortions (75% for psychiatric indications) and an estimated 50,000 illegal abortions occur annually in Switzerland. Although the mortality and morbidity of therapeutic aborti on are similar to those of normal births (1.4 per 1000 and 11%, respectively) the mortality and morbidity of criminal abortions are far greater (3 per 1000 and 73%, respectively). In the author's view, too strict an interpretatiok of Swiss abortion law (which permits abortion to avoid serious harm to the mother's health) does not take into account the severe and lasting emotional and psychological damage which may be caused by unwanted pregnancy, birth, and childraising. In the present social situation, the social and psychological support required by these women is not available; until it is, abortion is to be preferred.
Neeway, James J.; Qafoku, Nikolla P.; Peterson, Reid A.
Several supplemental technologies for treating and immobilizing Hanford low activity waste (LAW) have been evaluated. One such immobilization technology is the Fluidized Bed Steam Reforming (FBSR) granular product. The FBSR granular product is composed of insoluble sodium aluminosilicate (NAS) feldspathoid minerals. Production of the FBSR mineral product has been demonstrated both at the industrial and laboratory scale. Pacific Northwest National Laboratory (PNNL) was involved in an extensive characterization campaign. The goal of this campaign was to study the durability of the FBSR mineral product and the encapsulated FBSR product in a geo-polymer monolith. This paper gives an overview of resultsmore » obtained using the ASTM C 1285 Product Consistency Test (PCT), the EPA Test Method 1311 Toxicity Characteristic Leaching Procedure (TCLP), and the ASTMC 1662 Single-Pass Flow-Through (SPFT) test. Along with these durability tests an overview of the characteristics of the waste form has been collected using Scanning Electron Microscopy (SEM), X-ray Diffraction (XRD), microwave digestions for chemical composition, and surface area from Brunauer, Emmett, and Teller (BET) theory. (authors)« less
Shaw, Julia J A
Assisted suicide remains a deeply contested issue in the U.K. Recently three Assisted Dying for the Terminally Ill Bills were introduced in a three year period, all of which failed. Despite the provision of clear and precise safeguards, at each reading the House of Lords fixed largely on the traditional slippery slope and sanctity of life positions; a disproportionate reliance on theological determinism in particular prevented informed rational debate. People are living longer often with chronic, incurable diseases and palliative care is frequently of poor quality or even unavailable in the U.K. and it is unacceptable that individuals 'suffering unbearably' in their final days have no available domestic alternative. Yet the courts have consistently declined to prosecute in cases where friends and relatives have accompanied terminally ill persons abroad to die, against the provisions of the 1961 Suicide Act s2(1). This article critically assesses recent developments in English law on assisted dying and considers the implications for a more inclusive and reasoned debate in the future.
González De León Aguirre D; Salinas Urbina AA
This research project explores doctors' views regarding induced abortion. Abortion's penalization in Mexico greatly conditions its relevance as a social and public health problem. Physicians constitute a professional sector that can play an important role in reforming current laws on abortion. As a professional group, they have taken a conservative stance towards abortion. Their attitudes are to a great extent influenced by the medical training they receive. In this article we present results from a survey of 96 medical students from the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Xochimilco, in Mexico City. Data were processed with the SPSS program. Simple frequencies show that students have limited knowledge concerning the legal status of abortion and that they tolerate it with restrictions and in limited situations. Women students apparently take a more conservative stance, but statistical analysis with the c-square test did not show significant differences by gender. The article poses the need to modify doctors' training in the reproductive health field, allowing future doctors to acquire a broader view of health problems related to sexuality and reproduction. In the long run, this should also promote a kind of comprehensive health care practice in medical services, thus responding more satisfactorily to women's needs.
Fromer, M J
Nurses have opinions about abortion, but because they are health professionals and their opinions are sought as such, they are obligated to understand why they hold certain views. Nurses need to be clear about why they believe as they do, and they must arrive at a point of view in a rational and logical manner. To assist nurses in this task, the ethical issues surrounding abortion are enumerated and clarified. To do this, some of the philosophic and historic approaches to abortion and how a position can be logically argued are examined. At the outset some emotion-laden terms are defined. Abortion is defined as the expulsion of a fetus from the uterus before 28 weeks' gestation, the arbitrarily established time of viability. This discussion is concerned only with induced abortion. Since the beginning of recorded history women have chosen to have abortions. Early Jews and Christians forbade abortion on practical and religious grounds. A human life was viewed as valuable, and there was also the practical consideration of the addition of another person to the population, i.e., more brute strength to do the necessary physical work, defend against enemies, and ensure the continuation of the people. These kinds of pragmatic reasons favoring or opposing abortion have little to do with the Western concept of abortion in genaeral and what is going on in the U.S. today in particular. Discussion of the ethics of abortion must rest on 1 or more of several foundations: whether or not the fetus is a human being; the rights of the pregnant woman as opposed to those of the fetus, and circumstances of horror and hardship that might surround a pregnancy. Viability is relative. Because viability is not a specific descriptive entity, value judgments become part of the determination, both of viability and the actions that might be taken based on that determination. The fetus does not become a full human being at viability. That occurs only at conception or birth, depending on one's view
This publication seeks to explain the many facets of adolescent abortion: teenagers' need for access to safe abortion; the need for confidentiality in order to ensure safety; the real intent and effect of parental involvement laws; and the roles of parents and the state in safeguarding the health of pregnant teenagers. The first section looks at…
In the 16 weeks since the signing of Medicare reform, the firestorm surrounding the law has only grown. In the wake of the Medicare trustees' report that the trust fund will go broke sooner than predicted and testimony by CMS Chief Actuary Richard Foster, left, on how he was muzzled from giving Congress the bill's real cost, providers are wondering if reimbursement cuts are lurking in their future.
Henshaw, S K
This article presents current estimates of the number, rate, and proportion of abortions for all countries which make such data available. 76% of the world's population lives in countries where induced abortion is legal at least for health reasons. Abortion is legal in almost all developed countries. Most developing countries have some laws against abortion, but it is permitted at least for health reasons in the countries of 67% of the developing world's population. The other 33%--over 1 billion persons--reside mainly in subSaharan Africa, Latin America, and the most orthodox Muslim countries. By the beginning of the 20th century, abortion had been made illegal in most of the world, with rules in Africa, Asia, and Latin America similar to those in Europe and North America. Abortion legislation began to change first in a few industrialized countries prior to World War II and in Japan in 1948. Socialist European countries made abortion legal in the first trimester in the 1950s, and most of the industrialized world followed suit in the 1960s and 1970s. The worldwide trend toward relaxed abortion restrictions continues today, with governments giving varying reasons for the changes. Nearly 33 million legal abortions are estimated to be performed annually in the world, with 14 million of them in China and 11 million in the USSR. The estimated total rises to 40-60 million when illegal abortions added. On a worldwide basis some 37-55 abortions are estimated to occur for each 1000 women aged 15-44 years. There are probably 24-32 abortions per 100 pregnancies. The USSR has the highest abortion rate among developed countries, 181/1000 women aged 15-44, followed by Rumania with 91/1000, many of them illegal. The large number of abortions in some countries is due to scarcity of modern contraception. Among developing countries, China apparently has the highest rate, 62/1000 women aged 15-44. Cuba's rate is 59/1000. It is very difficult to calculate abortion rates in countries
The campaign for abortion reform in the Weimar Republic occasioned passionate disputes between factions supporting and opposing liberalization of abortion laws. Nevertheless, both camps agreed on one issue: that doctors, and only doctors, should be authorized to terminate a pregnancy. The implication was that an operation induced by a registered medical practitioner was safe, while so-called back-street operations were always dangerous. By and large, this view has also been accepted by historians, often uncritically. This article shows that evidence of the very real risks of terminating a pregnancy was open to cultural and political manipulation. The claims of academic physicians were often contradictory: on the one hand, they dismissed the risks of medical procedures as a way of fighting lay abortions; on the other hand, they exaggerated these risks as a way of explaining unsuccessful surgeries. Using a case study from Bavaria at the beginning of the Republic, this article shows the ambiguous role doctors played and the biased view of the courts. It also sheds light on the experience of abortion-seeking women, whose interests were largely ignored by the law enforcement agencies.
Bankole, Akinrinola; Adewole, Isaac F.; Hussain, Rubina; Awolude, Olutosin; Singh, Susheela; Akinyemi, Joshua O.
CONTEXT Because of Nigeria’s low contraceptive prevalence, a substantial number of women have unintended pregnancies, many of which are resolved through clandestine abortion, despite the country’s restrictive abortion law. Up-to-date estimates of abortion incidence are needed. METHODS A widely used indirect methodology was used to estimate the incidence of abortion and unintended pregnancy in Nigeria in 2012. Data on provision of abortion and postabortion care were collected from a nationally representative sample of 772 health facilities, and estimates of the likelihood that women who have unsafe abortions experience complications and obtain treatment were collected from 194 health care professionals with a broad understanding of the abortion context in Nigeria. RESULTS An estimated 1.25 million induced abortions occurred in Nigeria in 2012, equivalent to a rate of 33 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15–49. The estimated unintended pregnancy rate was 59 per 1,000 women aged 15–49. Fifty-six percent of unintended pregnancies were resolved by abortion. About 212,000 women were treated for complications of unsafe abortion, representing a treatment rate of 5.6 per 1,000 women of reproductive age, and an additional 285,000 experienced serious health consequences but did not receive the treatment they needed. CONCLUSION Levels of unintended pregnancy and unsafe abortion continue to be high in Nigeria. Improvements in access to contraceptive services and in the provision of safe abortion and postabortion care services (as permitted by law) may help reduce maternal morbidity and mortality. PMID:26871725
Jacobson, Jodi L.
Locating the issue of abortion in a global public policy context, with the array of public health, human rights, and social questions that are implicated, is the aim of this paper. Abortion laws around the world have been liberalized since the 1950s, with a resultant decrease in abortion-related mortality among women. The proportion of the world's…
... there is no difference in the risk of depression or other mental health problems between those who have an abortion and those who have the baby. Glossary Antibiotics: Drugs that treat certain ... the top of the vagina. Depression: Feelings of sadness for periods of at least ...
Spinelli, A; Grandolfo, M E
This article discusses the legal and epidemiologic status of abortion in Italy, and its relationship to fertility and contraception. Enacted in May 1978, Italy's abortion law allows the operation to be performed during the 1st 90 days of gestation for a broad range of health, social, and psychological reasons. Women under 18 must receive written permission from a parent, guardian, or judge in order to undergo an abortion. The operation is free of charge. Health workers who object to abortion because of religious or moral reasons are exempt from participating. Regional differences exist concerning the availability of abortion, easy to procure in some places and difficult to obtain in others. After an initial increase following legalization, the abortion rate was 13.5/1000 women aged 15-44 and the abortion ratio was 309/1000 live births -- an intermediate rate and ratio compared to other countries. By the time the Abortion Act of 1978 was adopted, Italy already had one of the lowest fertility levels in Europe. Thus, the legalization of abortion has had no impact on fertility trends. Contrary to initial fears that the legalization of abortion would make abortion a method of family planning, 80% of the women who sought an abortion in 1983-88 were using birth control at the time (withdrawal being the most common method used by this group). In fact, most women who undergo abortions are married, between the ages of 25-34, and with at least one child. Evidence indicates widespread ignorance concerning reproduction. In a 1989 survey, only 65% of women could identify the fertile period of the menstrual cycle. Italy has no sex education in schools or national family planning programs. Compared to most of Europe, Italy still has low levels of reliable contraceptive usage. This points to the need to guarantee the availability of abortion.
Davis, Colleen; Douglas, Heather
This article considers whether it is lawful in Australia to terminate one or more fetuses in a multiple pregnancy selectively and, if so, under what circumstances. It begins by addressing the preliminary question whether selective reduction is covered by laws relating to abortion and provides a brief outline of the law of abortion in Australian jurisdictions. The article then considers selective reduction of high-order multiple pregnancies, before turning to selective reduction of twin pregnancies in a range of circumstances. The article demonstrates that the law of abortion, as applied to selective reduction of multiple pregnancies, is uncertain and that there are considerable variations from one State to another. It concludes that the law in this area is in need of reform to recognise that some reductions are not performed prima facie to prevent danger to the mother's health and to remove the need for doctors to assert symptomatology of mental illness in order to guard against criminal law consequences. Further, there is a need to clarify whether selective reduction/ termination is abortion for the purposes of the law, and to achieve greater consistency across jurisdictions.
Cohen, I Glenn; Sayeed, Sadath
In early 2010, the Nebraska state legislature passed a new abortion restricting law asserting a new, compelling state interest in preventing fetal pain. In this article, we review existing constitutional abortion doctrine and note difficulties presented by persistent legal attention to a socially derived viability construct. We then offer a substantive biological, ethical, and legal critique of the new fetal pain rationale. © 2011 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Inc.
This Law creates a Special Technical Commission in El Salvador to collect information, investigate, and make decisions on the transfer of property belonging to the State. State property includes property belonging to the State at the national, regional, and local levels as well as land belonging to official autonomous institutions and public law corporations. Such property is eligible for transfer if it is not indispensable for state activities and if it is suitable for agriculture. Under the Law, all government bodies, official autonomous institutions, and public law corporations have the duty to report to the Commission the status of their property. After the Executive determines which properties are to be transferred, the property will be paid for through agrarian reform bonds. The property will be transferred to farmers with no land or with insufficient land and to farming cooperatives. Preference will be given to farmers without land and to those who have been exploiting the land subject to transfer. Persons acquiring land will pay for it through mortgages in favor of state agrarian reform agencies. full text
Shrestha, Dirgha Raj; Regmi, Shibesh Chandra; Dangal, Ganesh
Unsafe abortion is affecting a lot, in health, socio-economic and health care cost of many countries. Despite invention of simple technology and scientifically approved safe abortion methods, women and girls are still using unsafe abortion practices. Since 2002, Nepal has achieved remarkable progress in developing policies, guidelines, task shifting, training human resources and increasing access to services. However, more than half of abortion in Nepal are performed clandestinely by untrained or unapproved providers or induced by pregnant woman herself. Knowledge on legalization and availability of safe abortion service among women is still very poor. Stigma on abortion still persists among community people, service providers, managers, and policy makers. Access to safe abortion, especially in remote and rural areas, is still far behind as compared to their peers from urban areas. The existing law is not revised in the spirit of current Constitution of Nepal and rights-based approach. The existence of abortion stigma and the shifting of the government structure from unitary system to federalism in absence of a complete clarity on how the safe abortion service gets integrated into the local government structure might create challenge to sustain existing developments. There is, therefore, a need for all stakeholders to make a lot of efforts and allocate adequate resources to sustain current achievements and ensure improvements in creating a supportive social environment for women and girls so that they will be able to make informed decisions and access to safe abortion service in any circumstances.
Most of Africa's 54 countries have restrictive abortion laws, outdated remnants of former colonial laws that result in nearly five million unsafe abortions annually. To stem maternal mortality and morbidity, it is essential to look beyond strictly medical or health system approaches to solving this critical public health problem. The issue must be approached from a human rights perspective that emphasises the individual's right to self-determination. This article examines ways in which advocates can use established human rights standards, international consensus documents, and the World Health Organization's new technical and policy guidance for health systems to press for safer abortion care for African women.
Unsafe abortion is an important public health problem, accounting for 13% of maternal mortality in developing countries. Of an estimated annual 70,000 deaths from unsafe abortion worldwide, over 99% occur in the developing countries of sub-Saharan Africa, Central and Southeast Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean. Factors associated with increased maternal mortality from unsafe abortion in developing countries include inadequate delivery systems for contraception needed to prevent unwanted pregnancies, restrictive abortion laws, pervading negative cultural and religious attitudes towards induced abortion, and poor health infrastructures for the management of abortion complications. The application of a public health approach based on primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention can reduce morbidity and mortality associated with unsafe abortion in developing countries. Primary prevention includes the promotion of increased use of contraception by women (and by men) at risk for unwanted pregnancy; secondary prevention involves the liberalization of abortion laws and the development of programs to increase access to safe abortion care in developing countries. In contrast, tertiary prevention includes the integration and institutionalization of post-abortion care for incomplete abortion and the early and appropriate treatment of more severe complications of abortion. Efforts to address these problems will contribute both to reducing maternal mortality associated with induced abortion and to achieving the Millennium Development Goals in developing countries.
... 45 Public Welfare 1 2014-10-01 2014-10-01 false Segregation of funds for abortion services. 156... for abortion services. (a) State opt-out of abortion coverage. A QHP issuer must comply with a State law that prohibits abortion coverage in QHPs. (b) Termination of opt out. A QHP issuer may provide...
Neustatter, P L
Doctors for a Woman's Choice on Abortion would agree with 1 point in Lord Denning's ruling on the role of nurses in abortions induced by (PGS) prostaglandins (November 15, p. 1091). The nurse should not be doing a doctor's job, as Lord Denning indicated, and we sympathize with any nurse who is doing so (though the 1967 Abortion Act allows any nurse to abstain, on grounds of conscience). However, the ruling that nurses are not legally covered to participate in any way with the "procuring of a miscarriage" (using terminology of the 1861 Offenses against the Persons Act upon which the ruling is based) does not require a radical change in the practice of late abortions (constituting only 7% of the terminations) or any change in the law. PG abortion can be done without a nurse. With the extraamniotic technique, a very cheap pump can be used to give subsequent doses of the PG (a function normally performed by a nurse) through the catheter left inserted through the cervix after the 1st dose has been given by the doctor. Alternatively, the intraamniotic method can be used, where PG is instilled into the amniotic sac via a needle passed through the abdominal wall. This normally requires only 1 dose, given by the doctor. Rarely are subsequent doses needed; however they could be given by the doctor with very little addition to his or her workload. While the fact that PG abortion can be done without nurses is not realized, late abortion will be restricted, a situation which is entirely deplorable. Also deplorable are the comments of an antiabortion nature made by Lord Denning, over and above the legal ruling in his jurisdiction to make. His ruling, furthermore, seems to have been sufficiently confused for the Department of Health to withdraw its circular on abortion and await an interpretation before issuing another.
In practice the Bangladesh law, allowing abortion only to save the life of the mother, is essentially obsolete. The government has recognized the role of abortion in curing rapid population growth, and it is believed that the attitude towards abortion in Bangladesh is at least not unfavorable. The attempt was made to determine whether this belief is corroborated by the available facts. Data from the Bangladesh Fertility Survey provides a unique framework for discussion of current attitude towards and prevalence of abortion in Bangladesh. The Bangladesh Fertility Survey (BFS) was conducted on a nationally representative sample of 6513 ever-married women under age 50. An overwhelming majority of Bangladeshi women (over 88%) approved of abortion if the woman had conceived as a result of rape and premarital sex. Danger to mother's life (53% approving) was a more acceptable basis for abortion than danger of a malformed child (30%). Abortion on economic grounds was acceptable to only 17% of women. Urban women held more liberal views on abortion than rural residents. Educated couples were found to be more approving of abortion than the less educated. Women with parity 4 or more viewed abortion more favorably than those with lower parity. This was more pronounced among women under the age of 30. The most conservative approval of abortion was expressed by the older women who had a parity of less than 4. Women with the most liberal views on abortion were also contracepting and relying on efficient contraceptive methods. Wider support for abortion was expressed by currently married, fecund, nonpregnant women who were currently using contraception, and this support was more pronounced among women aged 30 and older.
Schiavon, Raffaela; Collado, Maria Elena; Troncoso, Erika; Soto Sánchez, José Ezequiel; Zorrilla, Gabriela Otero; Palermo, Tia
In 2007, first trimester abortion was legalized in Mexico City, and the public sector rapidly expanded its abortion services. In 2008, to obtain information on the effect of the law on private sector abortion services, we interviewed 135 physicians working in private clinics, located through an exhaustive search. A large majority of the clinics offered a range of reproductive health services, including abortions. Over 70% still used dilatation and curettage (D&C); less than a third offered vacuum aspiration or medical abortion. The average number of abortions per facility was only three per month; few reported more than 10 abortions monthly. More than 90% said they had been offering abortion services for less than 20 months. Many women are still accessing abortion services privately, despite the availability of free or low-cost services at public facilities. However, the continuing use of D&C, high fees (mean of $157-505), poor pain management practices, unnecessary use of ultrasound, general anaesthesia and overnight stays, indicate that private sector abortion services are expensive and far from optimal. Now that abortions are legal, these results highlight the need for private abortion providers to be trained in recommended abortion methods and quality of private abortion care improved. Copyright © 2010 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Colman, Silvie; Joyce, Ted
The State of Texas began enforcement of the Woman's Right to Know (WRTK) Act on January 1, 2004. The law requires that all abortions at or after 16 weeks' gestation be performed in an ambulatory surgical center (ASC). In the month the law went into effect, not one of Texas's 54 nonhospital abortion providers met the requirements of a surgical…
Cook, R J
It is common to find the term illegal abortion misused. Often times this misuse is perpetrated by antiabortion advocates who wish to reinforce negative stereotypes and thus apply pressure on doctors to refrain from performing abortions. Until a practitioner is prosecuted and convicted of performing an abortion contrary to the law, the procedure should not be referred to as illegal. Instead the legally neutral term, abortion, should be used instead. This would better serve the interests of women's reproductive health. There is no legal system that makes abortion illegal in all circumstances. For example, abortion is often legal if the life of the mother in danger. This includes a perception on behalf of the practitioner that the women may be suicidal or attempt to terminate the pregnancy by herself. A practitioner performing an abortion in such circumstances is not doing so illegally. The use of the term illegal abortion ignores the fact that in criminal law one is presumed innocent until proven guilty. A prosecutor must prove 1st that an intervention was performed and 2nd that a criminal intent accompanied the intervention. It is this 2nd criterion that is often the hardest to prove, since the practitioner must only testify that the intervention was indicated by legally allowed circumstances to be innocent. The prosecutor must show bad faith in order to gain a justified conviction. Even abortion by unqualified practitioners may not be illegal if doctors refuse to perform the intervention because it is still indicated. Accurate description of abortions would clarify situations in which abortion can be legally provided.
Johansson, A; Nga, N T; Huy, T Q; Dat, D D; Holmgren, K
This study analyzes the involvement of men in abortion in Vietnam, where induced abortion is legal and abortion rates are among the highest in the world. Twenty men were interviewed in 1996 about the role they played in their wives' abortions and about their feelings and ethical views concerning the procedure. The results showed that both husbands and wives considered the husband to be the main decisionmaker regarding family size, which included the decision to have an abortion, but that, in fact, some women had undergone an abortion without consulting their husbands in advance. Parents and in-laws were usually not consulted; the couples thought they might object to the decision on moral grounds. Respondents' ethical perspectives on abortion are discussed. When faced with an unwanted pregnancy, the husbands adopted an ethics of care and responsibility toward family and children, although some felt that abortion was immoral. The study highlights the importance of understanding husbands' perspectives on their responsibilities and rights in reproductive decisionmaking and their ethical and other concerns related to abortion.
Latham, Stephen R
On the fourth day of his presidency, Donald Trump reinstated and greatly expanded the "Mexico City policy," which imposes antiabortion restrictions on U.S. foreign health aid. In general, the policy has prohibited U.S. funding of any family-planning groups that use even non-U.S. funds to perform abortions; prohibited aid recipients from lobbying (again, even with non-U.S. money) for liberalization of abortion laws; prohibited nongovernment organizations from creating educational materials on abortion as a family-planning method; and prohibited health workers from referring patients for legal abortions in any cases other than rape, incest, or to save the life of the mother. The policy's prohibition on giving aid to any organization that performs abortions is aimed at limiting alleged indirect funding of abortions. The argument is that if U.S. money is used to fund nonabortion programs of an abortion-providing NGO, then the NGO can simply shift the money thus saved into its abortion budget. Outside the context of abortion, we do not reason this way. And the policy's remaining three prohibitions are deeply troubling. © 2017 The Hastings Center.
Sedgh, Gilda; Sylla, Amadou Hassane; Philbin, Jesse; Keogh, Sarah; Ndiaye, Salif
Abortion is highly restricted by law in Senegal. Although women seek care for abortion complications, no national estimate of abortion incidence exists. Data on postabortion care and abortion in Senegal were collected in 2013 using surveys of a nationally representative sample of 168 health facilities that provide postabortion care and of 110 professionals knowledgeable about abortion service provision. Indirect estimation techniques were applied to the data to estimate the incidence of induced abortion in the country. Abortion rates and ratios were calculated for the nation and separately for the Dakar region and the rest of the country. The distribution of pregnancies by planning status and by outcome was estimated. In 2012, an estimated 51,500 induced abortions were performed in Senegal, and 16,700 (32%) resulted in complications that were treated at health facilities. The estimated abortion rate was 17 per 1,000 women aged 15-44 and the abortion ratio was 10 per 100 live births. The rate was higher in Dakar (21 per 1,000) than in the rest of the country (16 per 1,000). Poor women were far more likely to experience abortion complications, and less likely to receive treatment for complications, than nonpoor women. About 31% of pregnancies were unintended, and 24% of unintended pregnancies (8% of all pregnancies) ended in abortion. Unsafe abortion exacts a heavy toll on women in Senegal. Reducing the barriers to effective contraceptive use and ensuring access to postabortion care without the risk of legal consequences may reduce the incidence of and complications from unsafe abortion.
Sedgh, Gilda; Sylla, Amadou Hassane; Philbin, Jesse; Keogh, Sarah; Ndiaye, Salif
CONTEXT Abortion is highly restricted by law in Senegal. Although women seek care for abortion complications, no national estimate of abortion incidence exists. METHODS Data on postabortion care and abortion in Senegal were collected in 2013 using surveys of a nationally representative sample of 168 health facilities that provide postabortion care and of 110 professionals knowledgeable about abortion service provision. Indirect estimation techniques were applied to the data to estimate the incidence of induced abortion in the country. Abortion rates and ratios were calculated for the nation and separately for the Dakar region and the rest of the country. The distribution of pregnancies by planning status and by outcome was estimated. RESULTS In 2012, an estimated 51,500 induced abortions were performed in Senegal, and 16,700 (32%) resulted in complications that were treated at health facilities. The estimated abortion rate was 17 per 1,000 women aged 15–44 and the abortion ratio was 10 per 100 live births. The rate was higher in Dakar (21 per 1,000) than in the rest of the country (16 per 1,000). Poor women were far more likely to experience abortion complications, and less likely to receive treatment for complications, than nonpoor women. About 31% of pregnancies were unintended, and 24% of unintended pregnancies (8% of all pregnancies) ended in abortion. CONCLUSIONS Unsafe abortion exacts a heavy toll on women in Senegal. Reducing the barriers to effective contraceptive use and ensuring access to postabortion care without the risk of legal consequences may reduce the incidence of and complications from unsafe abortion. PMID:25856233
Tey, Nai-peng; Yew, Siew-yong; Low, Wah-yun; Su’ut, Lela; Renjhen, Prachi; Huang, M. S. L.; Tong, Wen-ting; Lai, Siow-li
Background Abortion is a serious public health issue, and it poses high risks to the health and life of women. Yet safe abortion services are not readily available because few doctors are trained to provide such services. Many doctors are unaware of laws pertaining to abortion. This article reports survey findings on Malaysian medical students’ attitudes toward abortion education and presents a case for including abortion education in medical schools. Methods and Results A survey on knowledge of and attitudes toward abortion among medical students was conducted in two public universities and a private university in Malaysia in 2011. A total of 1,060 students returned the completed questionnaires. The survey covered about 90% of medical students in Years 1, 3, and 5 in the three universities. About 90% of the students wanted more training on the general knowledge and legal aspects of abortion, and pre-and post-abortion counseling. Overall, 75.9% and 81.0% of the students were in favor of including in medical education the training on surgical abortion techniques and medical abortion, respectively. Only 2.4% and 1.7% were opposed to the inclusion of training of these two methods in the curriculum. The remaining respondents were neutral in their stand. Desire for more abortion education was associated with students’ pro-choice index, their intention to provide abortion services in future practice, and year of study. However, students’ attitudes toward abortion were not significantly associated with gender, type of university, or ethnicity. Conclusions Most students wanted more training on abortion. Some students also expressed their intention to provide abortion counseling and services in their future practice. Their desire for more training on abortion should be taken into account in the new curriculum. Abortion education is an important step towards making available safe abortion services to enable women to exercise their reproductive rights. PMID:23300600
Bitler, Marianne; Madeline, Zavodny
The legalization of abortion in the United States led to well-known changes in reproductive behavior, but its effect on adoptions has not been investigated. Variation across states in the timing and extent of abortion legalization is used to identify the effects of changes in the legal status of abortion on adoption rates from 1961 to 1975. These effects are estimated in regression analyses that control for states' economic, demographic and political characteristics, as well as for health care availability within states. The rate of adoptions of children born to white women declined by 34-37% in states that repealed restrictive abortion laws before Roe v. Wade. The effect was concentrated among adoptions by petitioners not related to the child. Legal reforms resulting in small increases in access, such as in cases of rape and incest, were associated with a 15-18% decline in adoptions of children born to nonwhite women; however, this decline may have been due to other changes in the policy environment for such adoptions. Rates of adoption of children born to white women appear to have declined after Roe v. Wade, but this association is not statistically significant. The estimated effect of abortion legalization on adoption rates is sizable and can account for much of the decline in adoptions, particularly of children born to white women, during the early 1970s. These findings support previous studies' conclusions that abortion legalization led to a reduction in the number of "unwanted" children; such a reduction may have improved average infant health and children's living conditions.
Yeager, Valerie A.; Menachemi, Nir; Scarinci, Isabel C.
We conducted in-depth interviews in May to July 2012 to evaluate the effect of Alabama’s 2011 omnibus immigration law on Latina immigrants and their US- and foreign-born children’s access to and use of health services. The predominant effect of the law on access was a reduction in service availability. Affordability and acceptability of care were adversely affected because of economic insecurity and women’s increased sense of discrimination. Nonpregnant women and foreign-born children experienced the greatest barriers, but pregnant women and mothers of US-born children also had concerns about accessing care. The implications of restricting access to health services and the potential impact this has on public health should be considered in local and national immigration reform discussions. PMID:24432880
Grossman, Daniel; Grindlay, Kate; Burns, Bridgit
The objective was to investigate public funding policies for abortion in countries with liberal or liberally interpreted laws (defined as permitting abortion for economic or social reasons or upon request). In May 2011-February 2012 and June 2013-December 2014, we researched online resources and conducted an email-based survey among reproductive health experts to determine countries' public funding policies for abortion. We categorized countries as follows: full funding for abortion (provided for free at government facilities, covered under state-funded health insurance); partial funding (partially covered by the government, covered for certain populations based on income or nonincome criteria, or less expensive in public facilities); funding for exceptional cases (rape/incest/fetal impairment, health/life of the woman or other limited cases) and no public funding. We obtained data for all 80 countries meeting inclusion criteria. Among the world's female population aged 15-49 in countries with liberal/liberally interpreted abortion laws, 46% lived in countries with full funding for abortion (34 countries), 41% lived in countries with partial funding (25 countries), and 13% lived in countries with no funding or funding for exceptional cases only (21 countries). Thirty-one of 40 high-income countries provided full funding for abortion (n=20) or partial funding (n=11); 28 of 40 low- to middle-income countries provided full (n=14) or partial funding for abortion (n=14). Of those countries that did not provide public funding for abortion, most provided full coverage of maternity care. Nearly half of countries with liberal/liberally interpreted abortion laws had public funding for abortion, including most countries that liberalized their abortion law in the past 20 years. Outliers remain, however, including among developed countries where access to abortion may be limited due to affordability. Since cost of services affects access, country policies regarding public
Replies to the request by the Journal of Nursing on readers' positions against induced abortion indicate there is a definite personal position against induced abortion and the assistance in this procedure. Some writers expressed an emotional "no" against induced abortion. Many quoted arguments from the literature, such as a medical dictionary definition as "a premeditated criminally induced abortion." The largest group of writers quoted from the Bible, the tenor always being: "God made man, he made us with his hands; we have no right to make the decision." People with other philosophies also objected. Theosophical viewpoint considers reincarnation and the law of cause and effect (karma). This philosophy holds that induced abortion impedes the appearance of a reincarnated being. The fundamental question in the abortion problem is, "can the fetus be considered a human life?" The German anatomist Professor E. Bleckschmidt points out that from conception there is human life, hence the fertilized cell can only develop into a human being and is not merely a piece of tissue. Professional nursing interpretation is that nursing action directed towards killing of a human being (unborn child) is against the nature and the essence of the nursing profession. A different opinion states that a nurse cares for patients who have decided for the operation. The nurse doesn't judge but respects the individual's decision. Some proabortion viewpoints considered the endangering of the mother's life by the unborn child, and the case of rape. With the arguments against abortion the question arises how to help the woman with unwanted pregnancy. Psychological counseling is emphasized as well as responsible and careful assistance. Referral to the Society for Protection of the Unborn Child (VBOK) is considered as well as other agencies. Further reader comments on this subject are solicited.
Moore, Ann M; Kibombo, Richard; Cats-Baril, Deva
While laws in Uganda surrounding abortion remain contradictory, a frequent interpretation of the law is that abortion is only allowed to save the woman's life. Nevertheless abortion occurs frequently under unsafe conditions at a rate of 54 abortions per 1000 women of reproductive age annually, taking a large toll on women's health. There are an estimated 148,500 women in Uganda who experience abortion complications annually. Understanding opinion leaders' knowledge and perceptions about unsafe abortion is critical to identifying ways to address this public health issue. We conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 41 policy-makers, cultural leaders, local politicians and leaders within the health care sector in 2009-10 at the national as well as district (Bushenyi, Kamuli and Lira) level to explore their knowledge and perceptions of unsafe abortion and the potential for policy to address this issue. Only half of the sample knew the current law regulating abortion in Uganda. Respondents understood that the result of the current abortion restrictions included long-term health complications, unwanted children and maternal death. Perceived consequences of increasing access to safe abortion included improved health as well as overuse of abortion, marital conflict and less reliance on preventive behaviour. Opinion leaders expressed the most support for legalization of abortion in cases of rape when the perpetrator was unknown. Understanding opinion leaders' perspectives on this politically sensitive topic provides insight into the policy context of abortion laws, drivers behind maintaining the status quo, and ways to improve provision under the law: increase education among providers and opinion leaders. Published by Oxford University Press in association with The London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine © The Author 2013; all rights reserved.
In this very short but fiery and violent paper against abortion the author states that most women seeking abortion are actually lying to themselves, pretending they want something which, in reality, they do not want, i.e. an abortion. The laws regulating abortion in most countries are such that a woman is practically forbidden to make an independent decision, despite, or because of the number of counseling sessions and of meetings with doctors that she must go through. Radio, television, newspapers and magazines, friends and relatives, all contribute to make of abortion a run-of-the-mill operation, while it should be seen as scandal, and as the total negation of any maternal instinct.
Malhotra, S; Devi, P K
Abortion was legalized in many states in India in April 1972. This study deals with 2 groups of patients admitted to P.G.I., Chadigarh, with problems of induced septic abortion. Group 1 consisted of 88 patients admitted during the 2 1/2 year period from 1 July 1969 to 31 December 1971, before the legalization of abortion. Group 2 consists of 133 patients admitted during the 2 1/2 year period from 1 July 1973 to 31 December 1975. 1 year after the new abortion law had been in force. Not only has there been an increase in the total number of patients, there has been an increase in the severity of infection. Evidently, the liberalization of the law has encouraged more patients to seek abortions and has encouraged more doctors, lacking proper qualifications, to perform them. The morbidity and mortality with induced septic abortion can only be reduced if enough public propaganda makes the people especially in rural areas conscious of the hazards of induced abortion by "dais" and unqualified personnel, simultaneously making them aware of the provision of law and facilities available at different centers. Meanwhile, the law against unskilled and untrained personnel should be rigorously enforced.
Gaines, Tommi L; Beletsky, Leo; Arredondo, Jaime; Werb, Daniel; Rangel, Gudelia; Vera, Alicia; Brouwer, Kimberly
In 2009, Mexico decriminalized the possession of small amounts of illicit drugs for personal use in order to refocus law enforcement resources on drug dealers and traffickers. This study examines the spatial distribution of law enforcement encounters reported by people who inject drugs (PWID) in Tijuana, Mexico to identify concentrated areas of policing activity after implementation of the new drug policy. Mapping the physical location of law enforcement encounters provided by PWID (n = 461) recruited through targeted sampling, we identified hotspots of extra-judicial encounters (e.g., physical/sexual abuse, syringe confiscation, and money extortion by law enforcement) and routine authorized encounters (e.g., being arrested or stopped but not arrested) using point density maps and the Getis-Ord Gi* statistic calculated at the neighborhood-level. Approximately half of the participants encountered law enforcement more than once in a calendar year and nearly one third of these encounters did not result in arrest but involved harassment or abuse by law enforcement. Statistically significant hotspots of law enforcement encounters were identified in a limited number of neighborhoods located in areas with known drug markets. At the local-level, law enforcement activities continue to target drug users despite a national drug policy that emphasizes drug treatment diversion rather than punitive enforcement. There is a need for law enforcement training and improved monitoring of policing tactics to better align policing with public health goals.
White, Kari; Potter, Joseph E; Stevenson, Amanda J; Fuentes, Liza; Hopkins, Kristine; Grossman, Daniel
States have passed numerous laws restricting abortion, and Texas passed some of the most restrictive legislation between 2011 and 2013. Information about women's awareness of and support for the laws' provisions could inform future debates regarding abortion legislation. Between December 2014 and January 2015, some 779 women aged 18-49 participated in an online, statewide representative survey about recent abortion laws in Texas. Poisson regression analysis was used to assess correlates of support for a law that would make obtaining an abortion more difficult. Women's knowledge of specific abortion restrictions in Texas and reasons for supporting these laws were also assessed. Overall, 31% of respondents would support a law making it more difficult to obtain an abortion. Foreign-born Latinas were more likely than whites to support such a law (prevalence ratio, 1.5), and conservative Republicans were more likely than moderates and Independents to do so (2.3). Thirty-six percent of respondents were not very aware of recent Texas laws, and 19% had never heard of them. Among women with any awareness of the laws, 19% supported the requirements; 42% of these individuals said this was because such laws would make abortion safer. Many Texas women of reproductive age are unaware of statewide abortion restrictions, and some support these requirements because of misperceptions about the safety of abortion. Advocates and policymakers should address these knowledge gaps in efforts to protect access to legal abortion. Copyright © 2016 by the Guttmacher Institute.
This paper characterizes the Mexican abortion laws using the case of a girl aged 14 years, Paulina Ramirez Jacinta, who was raped, became pregnant, and chose to terminate the unwanted pregnancy, yet was denied an abortion. This case clearly showed that Mexican abortion law, despite its legality, is highly restrictive in nature and, in a way, violated the human rights of Paulina. Even though it permits first-trimester abortion procedures for rape victims or women whose lives are endangered by the pregnancy, many pregnant women still resort to illegal abortion. To further aggravate the restrictive nature of the law, Baja California state Rep. Martin Dominguez Rocha made a proposal to eliminate the rape exception in the state's penal code. The case of Paulina will be handled by the lawyers at the Center for Reproductive Law and Policy in order to arrive at a settlement favorable to Paulina.
Discussions about Paragraph 218 of the German federal abortion law have spawned antithetical opinions: on the one hand, the full right of the mother or parents to decide about the incipient human life; and on the other hand, under the dogma of abortion is murder, providing abortion is rejected even when the pregnancy is the result of rape and it is unwanted. Two questions are closely related to this issue: 1) what makes human beings human and 2) when does human life begin. From a medical point of view the function of the brain is fundamentally linked to being human. The brain controls almost all functions of the body and determines its psychological makeup, such as intellect and, in a theological sense, the soul. Without the brain such functioning is not possible, since brain death means the death of human life. Children born with anencephaly and microencephaly can never live a human life. At the end of life various diseases (stroke, Alzheimer disease) can severely damage the brain. In these cases normal living is also no longer possible. Yet ethically it is untenable to actively kill these human beings. But when one considers that life-threatening diseases can require life-support intervention, then often the pragmatic intervention is not far removed from active euthanasia. The other question related to the beginning of human life is even more difficult to answer. It is the fertilization of the egg cells; but a conglomeration of cells in the early phase of pregnancy can hardly be characterized as a human person. The human identity, personality, and worth is associated with the functioning of the brain, so only when the brain is fully developed can there be any talk about an unborn human being.
Bain, Luchuo Engelbert; Kongnyuy, Eugene Justine
The abortion law in Cameroon is highly restrictive. The law permits induced abortions only when the woman's life is at risk, to preserve her physical and mental health, and on grounds of rape or incest. Unsafe abortions remain rampant with however rare reported cases of persecution, even when these abortions are proven to have been carried out illegally. Available public health interventions are cheap and feasible (Misoprostol and Manual Vacuum Aspiration in post abortion care, modern contraception, post-abortion counseling), and must be implemented to reduce unacceptably high maternal mortality rates in the country which still stand at as high as 596/100.000. Changes in the legal status of abortions might take a long time to come by. Albeit, advocacy efforts must be reinforced to render the law more liberal to permit women to seek safe abortion services. The frequency of abortions, generally clandestine, in this restrictive legal atmosphere has adverse economic, health and social justice implications. We argue that a non-optimal or restrictive legal atmosphere is not an acceptable excuse to justify these high maternal deaths resulting from unsafe abortions, especially in Cameroon where unsafe abortions remain rampant. Implementing currently available, cheap and effective evidence based practice guidelines are possible in the country. Expansion and use of Manual Vacuum Aspiration kits in health care facilities, post-abortion misoprostol and carefully considering the content of post abortion counseling packages deserve keen attention. More large scale qualitative and quantitative studies nationwide to identify and act on context specific barriers to contraception use and abortion related stigma are urgently needed.
Sedgh, Gilda; Singh, Susheela; Shah, Iqbal H; Ahman, Elisabeth; Henshaw, Stanley K; Bankole, Akinrinola
Data of abortion incidence and trends are needed to monitor progress toward improvement of maternal health and access to family planning. To date, estimates of safe and unsafe abortion worldwide have only been made for 1995 and 2003. We used the standard WHO definition of unsafe abortions. Safe abortion estimates were based largely on official statistics and nationally representative surveys. Unsafe abortion estimates were based primarily on information from published studies, hospital records, and surveys of women. We used additional sources and systematic approaches to make corrections and projections as needed where data were misreported, incomplete, or from earlier years. We assessed trends in abortion incidence using rates developed for 1995, 2003, and 2008 with the same methodology. We used linear regression models to explore the association of the legal status of abortion with the abortion rate across subregions of the world in 2008. The global abortion rate was stable between 2003 and 2008, with rates of 29 and 28 abortions per 1000 women aged 15-44 years, respectively, following a period of decline from 35 abortions per 1000 women in 1995. The average annual percent change in the rate was nearly 2·4% between 1995 and 2003 and 0·3% between 2003 and 2008. Worldwide, 49% of abortions were unsafe in 2008, compared to 44% in 1995. About one in five pregnancies ended in abortion in 2008. The abortion rate was lower in subregions where more women live under liberal abortion laws (p<0·05). The substantial decline in the abortion rate observed earlier has stalled, and the proportion of all abortions that are unsafe has increased. Restrictive abortion laws are not associated with lower abortion rates. Measures to reduce the incidence of unintended pregnancy and unsafe abortion, including investments in family planning services and safe abortion care, are crucial steps toward achieving the Millennium Development Goals. UK Department for International Development
McGinn, Therese; Casey, Sara E
Although sexual and reproductive health services have become more available in humanitarian settings over the last decade, safe abortion services are still rarely provided. The authors' observations suggest that four reasons are typically given for this gap: 'There's no need'; 'Abortion is too complicated to provide in crises'; 'Donors don't fund abortion services'; and 'Abortion is illegal'. However, each of these reasons is based on false premises. Unsafe abortion is a major cause of maternal mortality globally, and the collapse of health systems in crises suggests it likely increases in humanitarian settings. Abortion procedures can be safely performed in health centers by mid-level providers without sophisticated equipment or supplies. Although US government aid does not fund abortion-related activities, other donors, including many European governments, do fund abortion services. In most countries, covering 99 % of the world's population, abortion is permitted under some circumstances; it is illegal without exception in only six countries. International law supports improved access to safe abortion. As none of the reasons often cited for not providing these services is valid, it is the responsibility of humanitarian NGOs to decide where they stand regarding their commitment to humanitarian standards and women's right to high quality and non-discriminatory health services. Providing safe abortion to women who become pregnant as a result of rape in war may be a more comfortable place for organizations to begin the discussion. Making safe abortion available will improve women's health and human rights and save lives.
Joyce, Ted; Tan, Ruoding; Zhang, Yuxiu
We use unique data on abortions performed in New York State from 1971–1975 to demonstrate that women travelled hundreds of miles for a legal abortion before Roe. A100- mile increase in distance for women who live approximately 183 miles from New York was associated with a decline in abortion rates of 12.2 percent whereas the same change for women who lived 830 miles from New York lowered abortion rates by 3.3 percent. The abortion rates of nonwhites were more sensitive to distance than those of whites. We found a positive and robust association between distance to the nearest abortion provider and teen birth rates but less consistent estimates for other ages. Our results suggest that even if some states lost all abortion providers due to legislative policies, the impact on population measures of birth and abortion rates would be small as most women would travel to states with abortion services. PMID:23811233
In the 25 years since the US Supreme Court's landmark Roe vs. Wade decision legalizing abortion, activists on both sides of the issue have drawn further apart as they have vied for the support of the majority of US voters who express ambivalence towards the law. These voters believe that abortion may be murder but that it must be legal. The Roe vs. Wade anniversary has sparked new legislative priorities on both sides. Abortion-rights activists will seek legislation that attempts to decrease the need for abortion by increasing funding for family planning services in the US and abroad, supporting funding for contraceptive research, and requiring health insurers to pay for contraceptives. Abortion opponents will continue to press for "partial birth" abortion bans and will support efforts to make it a federal crime for an adult to transport a minor across state lines to evade state parental notification or consent laws.
Oriji, Vaduneme K; Jeremiah, Israel; Kasso, Terhemen
Induced abortion is the termination of pregnancy through a deliberate intervention intended to end the pregnancy. This practice is widespread in Nigeria despite the restrictive abortion laws in Nigeria. Many women still undergo induced abortion every year and endanger their health and lives as induced abortion can only be procured illegally in Nigeria. We hope to determine the proportion of undergraduate students who had induced abortion in the past and the contributing factors. To determine the proportion of the undergraduate students who support the restrictive abortion laws in Nigeria. A cross sectional questionnaire survey of undergraduate students of the University of Port Harcourt was done through a cluster sampling method along with focus group discussion with some of the respondents. 451 out of 500 administered questionnaires were retrieved and analyzed. The incidence of induced abortion amongst the respondents was 47.2%. About 40% had never used an effective form of contraception in the past and 13% were unaware of contraception. 77.9% of the induced abortion was by dilation and curettage and 1% by manual vacuum aspiration. Up to two third of the respondents were against legalization of abortion. Up to 47% of these undergraduates had performed abortion in the past. Protecting educational career was the single most important reason for this. Although most of these undergraduates are against legalizing abortion, they highly patronize unsafe abortion. Improving contraceptive awareness and usage will reduce unwanted pregnancy and induced abortion. This option appears next to total abstinence in reducing the morbidity and mortality from induced abortion in this country.
This report summarizes current knowledge about abortion in Vietnam, drawing upon government statistics, survey data, and fieldwork undertaken by the author in Vietnam throughout 1993 and part of 1994. The official total abortion rate in Vietnam in 1992 was about 2.5 per woman, the highest in Asia and worrisome for a country with a still-high total fertility rate of 3.7 children per woman. Vietnamese provinces exhibited substantial variation in both the rate of abortion and the type of procedures performed. Among the hypotheses explored to explain Vietnam's high rate of abortion are the borrowing of family planning strategies from other poor socialist states where abortion is common; current antinatal population policies that interact with a lack of contraceptive alternatives; and a rise in pregnancies among young and unmarried women in the wake of recent free-market reforms. Because family-size preferences are still declining, abortion rates may continue to increase unless the incidence of unwanted pregnancy can be reduced, a goal that Vietnamese population specialists are seeking to achieve.
Teklehaimanot, K I; Smith, C Hord
A number of countries adopt abortion laws recognizing rape as a legal ground for access to safe abortion service. As rape is a crime, these abortion laws carry with them criminal and health care elements that in turn result in the involvement of legal and medical expertise. The most common objective of the laws should be providing safe abortion services to women survivors of rape. Depending on purposes of a given abortion law, the laws usually require women to undergo a medical examination to qualify for a legal abortion. Some abortion laws are so vague as to result in uncertainties regarding the steps health personnel must follow in conducting medical examination. Another group of abortion laws do not leave room for regulation and remain too rigid to respond to changing socio-economic circumstances. Still others require medical examination as a prerequisite for abortion. As a result, a number of abortion laws remain on the books. The paper attempts to analyze legal and practical issues related to medical examination in rape cases.
Women on Waves was founded to contribute to the prevention of unwanted pregnancy and unsafe abortions throughout the world by direct action. Because national penal laws, including those governing abortion, generally extend only as far as territorial waters (12 miles), Women on Waves made plans to provide reproductive health services on a ship with a mobile clinic, including abortions, outside the territorial waters of countries where abortion is illegal. We went to Ireland first because it was nearby and there was a dedicated pro-choice community with immediate interest in and commitment to the project. Although we encountered problems that meant we could not do abortions, we were contacted by more than 300 women in five days and provided reproductive health information, contraception, workshops and information on where to obtain legal abortions in Europe. In many parts of the world an anti-abortion backlash is taking place. To safeguard our reproductive rights in the face of anti-abortion activities, it is crucial to recapture a pro-active, pro-choice role. Women on Waves helped to make visible the need for legal abortion services in Ireland, and the extensive class and other differences between women able to access abortions abroad and those who could not. We are currently attempting to resolve our status under Dutch law, but until women everywhere have the right to reproductive freedom, we will continue to make waves.
Cohen, I Glenn
Politics, public discourse, and legislation restricting abortion has settled on a moderate orthodoxy: restrict abortion, but leave exceptions for pregnancies that result from rape and incest. I challenge that consensus and suggest it may be much harder to defend than those who support the compromise think. From both Pro-Life and Pro-Choice perspectives, there are good reasons to treat all abortions as equal. © 2015 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Inc.
Serrano Gil, A; García Casado, M L
The issue of conscientious objection in Spain has been used by pro-choice groups against objecting health personnel as one of the obstacles to the implementation of the abortion law, a misnomer. At present objection is massive in the public sector; 95% of abortions are carried out in private clinics with highly lucrative returns; abortion tourism has decreased; and false objection has proliferated in the public sector when the objector performs abortions in the private sector for high fees. The legal framework for conscientious objection is absent in Spain. Neither Article 417 of the Penal Code depenalizing abortion, nor the Ministerial Decree of July 31, 1985, nor the Royal Decree of November 21, 1986 recognize such a concept. However, the ruling of the Constitutional Court on April 11, 1985 confirmed that such objection can be exercised with independence. Some authors refer to the applicability of Law No. 48 of December 16, 1984 that regulates conscientious objection in military service to health personnel. The future law concerning the fundamental right of ideological and religious liberty embodied in Article 16.1 of the Constitution has to be revised. A draft bill was submitted in the Congress or Representatives concerning this issue on May 3, 1985 that recognizes the right of medical personnel to object to abortion without career repercussions. Another draft bill was introduced on April 17, 1985 that would allow the nonparticipation of medical personnel in the interruption of pregnancy, however, they would be prohibited from practicing such in the private hospitals. Neither of these proposed bills became law. Professional groups either object unequivocally, or do not object at all, or object on an ethical level but do not object to therapeutic abortion. The resolution of this issue has to be by consensus and not by imposition.
In Zimbabwe, where over 70,000 illegal abortions are performed each year and complications from clandestine abortion are a leading cause of maternal mortality, the abortion law debate has been re-opened. Under the present law, abortion is legal only to save the life of the mother and women who undergo illegal abortion face strict criminal sanctions. Timothy Stamps, the Minister of Health and Child Welfare, has stated, "The first rights of a child are to be desired, to be wanted, and to be planned." Dr. Illiff, of the University of Zimbabwe's Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, has noted, "We cannot stop abortion. The choice is how safe it is." Illiff pointed out that urban Zimbabwe women run a 262 times greater risk of dying of abortion complications than their counterparts in the UK where abortion is legal. As the Women's Action Group has observed, men have dominated the current debate on abortion. The group has issued an appeal to women to enter into this debate that concerns their bodies to ensure that another law is not imposed on them. The group's appeal for action states: "We as Women's Action Group believe that every woman should decide what's right and what's wrong in her life. She and only she should be the master of her destiny. Her voice should be heard louder than anyone else's."
Desai, Sheila; Crowell, Marjorie; Sedgh, Gilda; Singh, Susheela
Background In 2010–2014, approximately 86% of abortions took place in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Although abortion incidence varies minimally across geographical regions, it varies widely by subregion and within countries by subgroups of women. Differential abortion levels stem from variation in the level of unintended pregnancies and in the likelihood that women with unintended pregnancies obtain abortions. Objectives To examine the characteristics of women obtaining induced abortions in LMICs. Methods We use data from official statistics, population-based surveys, and abortion patient surveys to examine variation in the percentage distribution of abortions and abortion rates by age at abortion, marital status, parity, wealth, education, and residence. We analyze data from five countries in Africa, 13 in Asia, eight in Europe, and two in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). Results Women across all sociodemographic subgroups obtain abortions. In most countries, women aged 20–29 obtained the highest proportion of abortions, and while adolescents obtained a substantial fraction of abortions, they do not make up a disproportionate share. Region-specific patterns were observed in the distribution of abortions by parity. In many countries, a higher fraction of abortions occurred among women of high socioeconomic status, as measured by wealth status, educational attainment, and urban residence. Due to limited data on marital status, it is unknown whether married or unmarried women make up a larger share of abortions. Conclusions These findings help to identify subgroups of women with disproportionate levels of abortion, and can inform policies and programs to reduce the incidence of unintended pregnancies; and in LMICs that have restrictive abortion laws, these findings can also inform policies to minimize the consequences of unsafe abortion and motivate liberalization of abortion laws. Program planners, policymakers, and advocates can use this
Sen. Coburn, Tom [R-OK
Senate - 08/05/2010 Read twice and referred to the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions. (All Actions) Tracker: This bill has the status IntroducedHere are the steps for Status of Legislation:
The abortion problem has been a major topic of debate for many years. Polish legislation permitting abortion has both supporters and opponents. It appears that both groups fail to fully recognize the risks of the various medical complications of induced abortion. A literature review of the complications of abortion shows that these complications are often underestimated by the public and the medical community. The review clearly demonstrates that abortion adversely affects women's health. Inflammation of the genital system is the most frequent complication. The ocurrence of complications increases as the term of the pregnancy advances. It is concluded that the public is not fully aware of the immediate danger and aftereffects of induced abortion. Wider popularization of the extensive body of scientific information regarding the risks of induced abortion might change current perceptions about the "safety" of abortion.
Paulsen, James A.
Discusses general attitudes towards unwanted pregnancies and abortions, the methods that students have resorted to in order to abort themselves, and the mental state of college women, who become pregnant with children they don't want. (RK)
Upadhyay, Ushma D; Cartwright, Alice F; Johns, Nicole E
A proposed California law will require student health centers at public universities to provide medication abortion. To understand its potential impact, we sought to describe current travel time, costs, and wait times to access care at the nearest abortion facilities. We projected total medication abortion use based on campus enrollment figures and age- and state-adjusted abortion rates. We calculated distance and public transit time from campuses to the nearest abortion facility. We contacted existing abortion-providing facilities to determine costs, insurance acceptance, and wait times. We estimate 322 to 519 California public university students seek medication abortions each month. As many as 62% of students at these universities were more than 30 minutes from the closest abortion facility via public transportation. Average cost of medication abortion was $604, and average wait time to the first available appointment was one week. College students face cost, scheduling, and travel barriers to abortion care. Offering medication abortion on campus could reduce these barriers. Copyright © 2018 Society for Adolescent Health and Medicine. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Kirby, M D
case. Because the Australian legal system is so similar to England's the resulting decision can offer instruction. Judge Woolf of Londons High Court of Justice dismissed Mrs. gillick's case. According to the report, children under the age of 16 years are entitled, in England, to receive contraceptive advice without the knowledge or consent of their parents, at least where the alternatives sought to be prevented were unwanted pregnancies, abortions, and veneral diseases. Woolf reportedly viewed the prescription of the contraceptive pill as not so much "an instrument for a crime or anything essential to its commission, "but a palliative against the consequences of the crime, that is, unlawful sexual relations. In Canada the debate has been vigorous and, except in Quebec (where there is a statutory oligation to inform parents), it also proceeds against the background of the English common law. In 1976 the US Supreme Court held that a state law could not constitutionally impose a blanket requirement of parental consent on a minor having an abortion during the 1st trimester of her pregnancy. In Australia there is law reform and social reform to be carried out.
Daly, Rich; Zigmond, Jessica
The re-election of President Barack Obama to a second term and the preservation of a Democratic majority in the Senate removed doubts about the survival of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act as the law of the land.
Matthiessen, P C
Trends in fertility, abortion, and contraceptive practice in Denmark were analyzed, using previously compiled official statistics; the conclusion was drawn that easy access to abortion may contribute toward a decline in contraceptive practice depending on the level of contraceptive practice in the population and on the degree of confidence the population has in available contraceptive methods. In October 1973 Denmark passed a law permitting women to obtain free abortion on demand. The number of legal abortions increased from 16,500 in 1973 to 28,000 in 1975. This marked increase was not attributable to a decline in illegal abortion since that annual number had declined from 5,000 to 1,000 prior to the passage of the 1973 abortion on demand law. The increase in abortion observed from 1973-1975 was accompanied by a marked decrease in the number of oral contraceptive cycles sold. Annual sales decreased from 3.9 million cycles to 2.6 million. It was difficult to access the factors responsible for this decline. Although IUD insertions increased during this period, the increase could not adequately compensate for the reduction in oral contraceptive sales. The decline in oral contraceptive sales occurred at about the time the negative side effects associated with the pill received widespread news coverage. Some of the decline in pill usage was probably due to fear of side effects, but abortion availability also encouraged women to be more lax about taking the pill and encouraged them to rely on less effective methods of contraception. Tables provide data for Denmark in reference to: 1) number of legal abortions and the abortion rates for 1940-1977; 2) distribution of abortions by season, 1972-1977; 3) abortion rates by maternal age, 1971-1977; 4) oral contraceptive and IUD sales for 1977-1978; and 5) number of births and estimated number of abortions and conceptions, 1960-1975.
Ng, Wai-Ching Irene; Cheung, Monit; Ma, Anny Kit-Ying
The common law presumption that a boy under the age of 14 is incapable of sexual intercourse has provoked controversial debates in Hong Kong. This article describes a 6-step advocacy journey to examine how community efforts have helped modify this law so that juvenile male sexual offenders under the age of 14 who have committed the crime of having sexual intercourse with underage females can be sentenced to receive appropriate treatment. Seven court cases provided by the magistrates' courts in Hong Kong were used in this advocacy effort for the removal of the presumption in July 2012. Although this effort has yet to reveal signs of effectiveness, it represents greater public awareness about providing rehabilitation appropriate for juvenile sex offenders through a formal sentence. Restorative justice, as opposed to retributive or punitive justice, places an emphasis on rehabilitation of the offender and restoration of victims to a place of wholeness.
Bromham, D R; Oloto, E J
It is known that, since antiquity, women confronted with an unwanted pregnancy have used abortion as a means of resolving their dilemma. Although undoubtedly widely used in all historical ages, abortion has come to be regarded as an event preferably avoided because of the impact on the women concerned as well as considerations for fetal life. Policies to reduce numbers and rates of abortion must acknowledge certain observations. Criminalization does not prevent abortion but increases maternal risks. A society's 'openness' in discussing sexual matters inversely correlates with abortion rates. Correlation between contraceptive use and abortion is also inverse but relates most closely to the efficacy of contraceptive methods used. 'Revolution' in the range of contraceptive methods used will have an equivalent impact on abortion rates. Secondary or emergency contraceptive methods have a considerable role to play in the reduction of abortion numbers. Good sex (and 'relationships') education programs may delay sexual debut, increase contraceptive usage and be associated with reduced abortion. Finally, interaction between socioeconomic factors and the choice between abortion and ongoing pregnancy are complex. Abortion is not necessarily chosen by those least able to support a child financially.
Díaz Olavarrieta, Claudia
In April 2007, the Mexico City, Mexico, legislature passed landmark legislation decriminalizing elective abortion in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. In Mexico City, safe abortion services are now available to women through the Mexico City Ministry of Health’s free public sector legal abortion program and in the private sector, and more than 89 000 legal abortions have been performed. By contrast, abortion has continued to be restricted across the Mexican states (each state makes its own abortion laws), and there has been an antichoice backlash against the legislation in 16 states. Mexico City’s abortion legislation is an important first step in improving reproductive rights, but unsafe abortions will only be eliminated if similar abortion legislation is adopted across the entire country. PMID:23409907
Becker, Davida; Díaz Olavarrieta, Claudia
In April 2007, the Mexico City, Mexico, legislature passed landmark legislation decriminalizing elective abortion in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. In Mexico City, safe abortion services are now available to women through the Mexico City Ministry of Health's free public sector legal abortion program and in the private sector, and more than 89 000 legal abortions have been performed. By contrast, abortion has continued to be restricted across the Mexican states (each state makes its own abortion laws), and there has been an antichoice backlash against the legislation in 16 states. Mexico City's abortion legislation is an important first step in improving reproductive rights, but unsafe abortions will only be eliminated if similar abortion legislation is adopted across the entire country.
According to international press reports, a law that would have allowed Portuguese women abortions through the 10th week of pregnancy and into the 16th week if their physical or mental health was at risk has been rescinded after a referendum to determine the statute's future was voided because of low voter turnout. Passed in February, the law was a liberalization of Portugal's strict anti-abortion laws, which ban all abortions except for narrowly defined medical reasons or in the case of rape (and those are permitted only until the 12th week of pregnancy). Because the issue is such a controversial one, politicians had turned to a national referendum asking Portuguese voters to overturn or ratify the new law. The referendum was the first in the country since the end of its right-wing dictatorship in 1974, and 50% participation was required. Only 31.5% of the country's 8.5 million eligible voters went to the polls on June 28. Of those voting, 50.9% voted against the liberalized new legislation. Sunny weather and World Cup soccer matches were both pointed to as reasons for the low turnout. Officials estimate there are some 20,000 illegal abortions annually in Portugal. Abortion-rights activists in the mostly Roman-Catholic country say hospitals see roughly 10,000 women a year suffering from complications from illegal abortions, and that at least 800 women die each year from the procedure. In the next day's Diario de Noticias, a daily paper in Portugal, the entire front page was filled with a giant question mark. "What now, lawmakers?" the headline read. full text
Zahourek, R; Tower, M
It is noted that as abortion becomes an accepted medical practice, more nurses will be involved in the treatment and counseling of the therapeutic abortion patient. The authors, psychiatric nurses in a Colorado comprehensive urban mental health center, became involved in the treatment of the therapeutic abortion patient with the passing of the State's liberalized 1967 abortion law. As they became involved with all aspects of therapeutic abortion patients' care, they identified 3 specific roles for the psychiatric nurse: 1) providing direct They treatment, 2) providing liaison service and promoting continuity of care for the patient, and 3) providing consultation service to the staff involved with the patient. As the psychiatric nurses shared their own mixed feelings about abortion with the obstetrical staff, the staff began to feel less guilty and less alone with their feelings. The became more involved with the patients and benefited them more.
Gutierrez Vazquez, Edith Y.; Parrado, Emilio A.
In 2007 abortion was legalized in the Federal District of Mexico, making the largest jurisdiction in Latin America, outside of Cuba, to allow women to have abortions on request during the first trimester of pregnancy. While the implications of the law for women's health and maternal mortality have been investigated, its potential association with fertility behavior has yet to be assessed. In this paper, we examine metropolitan area differences in overall and parity-specific, as well as the age pattern of childbearing between 2000 and 2010 to more precisely isolate the contribution of abortion legalization to fertility in Mexico. Our statistical specification applies difference-in-difference regression methods that control for concomitant changes in other socioeconomic predictors of fertility to assess the differential influence of the law across age groups. In addition, we account for prior fertility levels and change to better separate the effect of the law from preceding trends. Overall, the evidence suggests a systematic association between abortion legalization and fertility. The law appears to have contributed to lower fertility in Mexico City compared to other metropolitan areas and prior trends, though the influence is mostly visible among women aged 20-34 in connection with the transition to first and second child with limited impact on teenage fertility. There is some evidence that its effect might be diffusing to the greater Mexico City metropolitan area. PMID:27285423
Gutiérrez Vázquez, Edith Y; Parrado, Emilio A
In 2007 abortion was legalized in the Federal District of Mexico, making it the largest jurisdiction in Latin America, outside of Cuba, to allow women to have abortions on request during the first trimester of pregnancy. While the implications of the law for women's health and maternal mortality have been investigated, its potential association with fertility behavior has yet to be assessed. We examine metropolitan-area differences in overall and parity-specific childbearing, as well as the age pattern of childbearing between 2000 and 2010 to identify the contribution of abortion legalization to fertility in Mexico. Our statistical specification applies difference-in-difference regression methods that control for concomitant changes in other socioeconomic predictors of fertility to assess the differential influence of the law across age groups. In addition, we account for prior fertility levels and change to better separate the effect of the law from preceding trends. Overall, the evidence suggests a systematic association between abortion legalization and fertility. The law appears to have contributed to lower fertility in Mexico City compared to other metropolitan areas and prior trends. The influence is mostly visible among women aged 20-34 in connection with the transition to first and second child, with limited impact on teenage fertility. There is some evidence that its effect might be diffusing to the Greater Mexico City Metropolitan area. © 2016 The Population Council, Inc.
Sydsjö, Adam; Josefsson, Ann; Bladh, Marie; Muhrbeck, Måns; Sydsjö, Gunilla
Induced abortion is more frequent in Sweden than in many other Western countries. We wanted to investigate attitudes and knowledge about induced abortion among politicians responsible for healthcare in three Swedish counties. A study-specific questionnaire was sent to all 375 elected politicians in three counties; 192 (51%) responded. The politicians stated that they were knowledgeable about the Swedish abortion law. More than half did not consider themselves, in their capacity as politicians, sufficiently informed about abortion-related matters. Most politicians (72%) considered induced abortion to be primarily a 'women's rights issue' rather than an ethical one, and 54% considered 12 weeks' gestational age an adequate upper limit for induced abortion. Only about a third of the respondents were correctly informed about the number of induced abortions annually carried out in Sweden. Information and knowledge on induced abortion among Swedish county politicians seem not to be optimal. Changes aimed at reducing the current high abortion rates will probably not be easy to achieve as politicians seem to be reluctant to commit themselves on ethical issues and consider induced abortion mainly a women's rights issue.
Prada, Elena; Maddow-Zimet, Isaac; Juarez, Fatima
Although Colombia partially liberalized its abortion law in 2006, many abortions continue to occur outside the law and result in complications. Assessing the costs to the health care system of safe, legal abortions and of treating complications of unsafe, illegal abortions has important policy implications. The Post-Abortion Care Costing Methodology was used to produce estimates of direct and indirect costs of postabortion care and direct costs of legal abortions in Colombia. Data on estimated costs were obtained through structured interviews with key informants at a randomly selected sample of facilities that provide abortion-related care, including 25 public and private secondary and tertiary facilities and five primary-level private facilities that provide specialized reproductive health services. The median direct cost of treating a woman with abortion complications ranged from $44 to $141 (in U.S. dollars), representing an annual direct cost to the health system of about $14 million per year. A legal abortion at a secondary or tertiary facility was costly (medians, $213 and $189, respectively), in part because of the use of dilation and curettage, as well as because of administrative barriers. At specialized facilities, where manual vacuum aspiration and medication abortion are used, the median cost of provision was much lower ($45). Provision of postabortion care and legal abortion services at higher-level facilities results in unnecessarily high health care costs. These costs can be reduced significantly by providing services in a timely fashion at primary-level facilities and by using safe, noninvasive and less costly abortion methods.
Mavroforou, Anna; Koumantakis, Evgenios; Michalodimitrakis, Emmanuel
We have examined from a legal perspective the father's role in the decision to abort a pregnancy in western society. Furthermore, we have taken a closer look into the inadequacies the Greek legal framework on this issue, from a legal and social point of view. Literature in the Greek and English language. One of abortion's many victims is the father of the child. In most European countries and the United States of America, the law does not give any rights to the father on the issue of an abortion. Quite simply, men have no legal rights when it comes to abortion. Legally, an abortion is a private matter between a woman and her doctor, even if she is married. Greece was one of the last countries in Europe to legalize abortion after a long debate in Parliament and the publication of numerous declarations by women's rights organizations. However, despite the liberalization of abortion, which followed the ratification of L 1609/86, the legal framework in which abortions are carried out is not entirely satisfactory. One of the areas that require clarification is the role of father. L 1609/86 does not specify men's rights in abortion. Post-abortion counseling services are dealing with an increasing number of men coming forward, grieving their aborted children. A more careful approach is required and a possible review of the law on abortion may be useful. Counselling for women and their male partners should be offered by state organisations. Clarity of thinking, sympathy and understanding are prerequisites in order for a solution respecting the personality of both the woman and her male partner to be reached.
Wang, P D; Lin, R S
Induced abortion is widely practised in Taiwan; however, it had been illegal until 1985. It was of interest to investigate induced abortion practices in Taiwan after its legalization in 1985 in order to calculate the prevalence rate and ratio of induced abortion to live births and to pregnancies in Taiwan. A study using questionnaires through personal interviews was conducted on more than seventeen thousand women who attended a family planning service in Taipei metropolitan areas between 1991 and 1992. The reproductive history and sexual behaviour of the subjects were especially focused on during the interviews. Preliminary findings showed that 46% of the women had a history of having had an induced abortion. Among them, 54.8% had had one abortion, 29.7% had had two, and 15.5% had had three or more. The abortion ratio was 379 induced abortions per 1,000 live births and 255 per 1,000 pregnancies. The abortion ratio was highest for women younger than 20 years of age, for aboriginal women and for nulliparous women. When logistic regression was used to control for confounding variables, we found that the number of previous live births is the strongest predictor relating to women seeking induced abortion. In addition, a significant positive association exists between increasing number of induced abortions and cervical dysplasia.
Melese, Tadele; Habte, Dereje; Tsima, Billy M.; Mogobe, Keitshokile Dintle; Chabaesele, Kesegofetse; Rankgoane, Goabaone; Keakabetse, Tshiamo R.; Masweu, Mabole; Mokotedi, Mosidi; Motana, Mpho; Moreri-Ntshabele, Badani
Background Maternal mortality due to abortion complications stands among the three leading causes of maternal death in Botswana where there is a restrictive abortion law. This study aimed at assessing the patterns and determinants of post-abortion complications. Methods A retrospective institution based cross-sectional study was conducted at four hospitals from January to August 2014. Data were extracted from patients’ records with regards to their socio-demographic variables, abortion complications and length of hospital stay. Descriptive statistics and bivariate analysis were employed. Result A total of 619 patients’ records were reviewed with a mean (SD) age of 27.12 (5.97) years. The majority of abortions (95.5%) were reported to be spontaneous and 3.9% of the abortions were induced by the patient. Two thirds of the patients were admitted as their first visit to the hospitals and one third were referrals from other health facilities. Two thirds of the patients were admitted as a result of incomplete abortion followed by inevitable abortion (16.8%). Offensive vaginal discharge (17.9%), tender uterus (11.3%), septic shock (3.9%) and pelvic peritonitis (2.4%) were among the physical findings recorded on admission. Clinically detectable anaemia evidenced by pallor was found to be the leading major complication in 193 (31.2%) of the cases followed by hypovolemic and septic shock 65 (10.5%). There were a total of 9 abortion related deaths with a case fatality rate of 1.5%. Self-induced abortion and delayed uterine evacuation of more than six hours were found to have significant association with post-abortion complications (p-values of 0.018 and 0.035 respectively). Conclusion Abortion related complications and deaths are high in our setting where abortion is illegal. Mechanisms need to be devised in the health facilities to evacuate the uterus in good time whenever it is indicated and to be equipped to handle the fatal complications. There is an indication for
Unsafe abortion is prevalent in many developing countries, mostly in sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and South and Southeast Asia, where abortion laws are more restrictive, the unmet need for contraception high and the status of women in society low. The main interventions for reducing the prevalence of unsafe abortion are known: better and more widely available family planning services, comprehensive sex education, improved access to safe abortion and high-quality post-abortion care, including contraceptive counselling and on-site services. Although these proposals have been included in statements and recommendations drawn up at several international conferences and adopted by the vast majority of nations, they have either been inadequately implemented or not implemented at all in the countries in which the need is greatest. A well-coordinated effort by both national and international organisations and agencies is required to put these recommendations into practice; however, the most important factor determining the success of such efforts is the commitment of governments towards preventing unsafe abortion and reducing its prevalence and consequences. 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
The views of morality enunciated by the Protestant and Catholic churches in the process of France's abortion law revision are examined through an analysis of the testimony of each church and its moral theologians during hearings held from July-November 1973 by the Commission of Cultural, Family, and Social Affairs of the National Assembly concerning the proposed abortion legislation. The offical Catholic Church position, which restated a neoscholastic philosophy with its theory of human nature, natural law, natural right, and natural morality, was opposed by 2 priests who participated as members of other organizations. The moral principles behind the official Catholic position included the sacred and absolute principle of respect for life, the beginning of human life at conception, and the responsibility to protect the fetus as a human being. Internal Catholic challenges to the official position appeared to rest principally on the question of when life begins but also touched on the inappropriateness of viewing unwanted pregnancy as a punishment for sexual activity, the constant recourse to authority of the church, and the reluctance to reexamine questions on new evidence. Faced with the likely replacement of abortion law consistent with Catholic morality by 1 seriously at variance, the French Church and state while justifying their organized opposition to any change. The right of the church to impose its views on the legislature and on society, the view of the cultural context of abortion as a degradation of public attitudes expressed in rejection of children, the necessary connections between sexuality and fertility, the necessity for women to be able to control their fertility if they were to participate fully in society, the debased conditions in which thousands of illegal abortions occurred or the exaggeration of such conditions were other issues. Proposed legislation on abortion was opposed by the official Catholic position, which instead called for a vaguely
White, Kari; Potter, Joseph E.; Stevenson, Amanda J.; Hopkins, Kristine; Fuentes, Liza; Grossman, Daniel
CONTEXT States have passed numerous laws restricting abortion, and Texas passed some of the most restrictive legislation between 2011 and 2013. Information about women’s awareness of and support for the laws’ provisions could inform future debates regarding abortion legislation. METHODS Between December 2014 and January 2015, some 779 women aged 18–49 participated in an online, statewide representative survey about recent abortion laws in Texas. Poisson regression analysis was used to assess correlates of support for a law that would make obtaining an abortion more difficult. Women’s knowledge of specific abortion restrictions in Texas and reasons for supporting these laws were also assessed. RESULTS Overall, 31% of respondents would support a law making it more difficult to obtain an abortion. Foreign-born Latinas were more likely than whites to support such a law (prevalence ratio, 1.5), and conservative Republicans were more likely than moderates and Independents to do so (2.3). Thirty-six percent of respondents were not very aware of recent Texas laws, and 19% had never heard of them. Among women with any awareness of the laws, 19% supported the requirements; 42% of these individuals said this was because such laws would make abortion safer. CONCLUSIONS Many Texas women of reproductive age are unaware of statewide abortion restrictions, and some support these requirements because of misperceptions about the safety of abortion. Advocates and policymakers should address these knowledge gaps in efforts to protect access to legal abortion. PMID:27082099
Syvertsen, Jennifer; Pollini, Robin A.; Lozada, Remedios; Vera, Alicia; Rangel, Gudelia; Strathdee, Steffanie A.
Background In August 2009, Mexico reformed its drug laws and decriminalized small quantities of drugs for personal use; offenders caught three times will be mandated to enter drug treatment. However, little is known about the quality or effectiveness of drug treatment programs in Mexico. We examined injection drug users’ (IDUs) experiences in drug treatment in Tijuana, Mexico, with the goal of informing program planning and policy. Methods We examined qualitative and quantitative data from Proyecto El Cuete, a multi-phased research study on HIV risk among IDUs in Tijuana. Phase I consisted of 20 in-depth interviews and Phase II employed respondent-driven sampling to recruit 222 IDUs for a quantitative survey. We also reviewed national drug policy documents, surveillance data, and media reports to situate drug users’ experiences within the broader sociopolitical context. Results Participants in the qualitative study were 50% male with a mean age of 32; most injected heroin (85.0%) and methamphetamine (60.0%). The quantitative sample was 91.4% male with a mean age of 35; 98.2% injected heroin and 83.7% injected heroin and methamphetamine together. The majority of participants reported receiving treatment: residential treatment was most common, followed by methadone; other types of services were infrequently reported. Participants’ perceptions of program acceptability and effectiveness were mixed. Mistreatment emerged as a theme in the qualitative interviews and was reported by 21.6% of Phase II participants, primarily physical (72.0%) and verbal (52.0%) abuse. Conclusions Our results point to the need for political, economic, and social investment in the drug treatment system before offenders are sentenced to treatment under the revised national drug law. Resources are needed to strengthen program quality and ensure accountability. The public health impact of the new legislation that attempts to bring drug treatment to the forefront of national drug policy
Between February 2012 and March 2015, the claim that sex selection abortion was taking place in Britain and that action needed to be taken to stop it dominated debate in Britain about abortion. Situating an analysis in sociological and social psychological approaches to the construction of social problems, particularly those considering “feminised” re-framings of anti-abortion arguments, this paper presents an account of this debate. Based on analysis of media coverage, Parliamentary debate and official documents, we focus on claims about grounds (evidence) made to sustain the case that sex selection abortion is a British social problem and highlight how abortion was problematised in new ways. Perhaps most notable, we argue, was the level of largely unchallenged vilification of abortion doctors and providers, on the grounds that they are both law violators and participants in acts of discrimination and violence against women, especially those of Asian heritage. We draw attention to the role of claims made by feminists in the media and in Parliament about “gendercide” as part of this process and argue that those supportive of access to abortion need to critically assess both this aspect of the events and also consider arguments about the problems of “medical power” in the light of what took place. PMID:28367000
Between February 2012 and March 2015, the claim that sex selection abortion was taking place in Britain and that action needed to be taken to stop it dominated debate in Britain about abortion. Situating an analysis in sociological and social psychological approaches to the construction of social problems, particularly those considering "feminised" re-framings of anti-abortion arguments, this paper presents an account of this debate. Based on analysis of media coverage, Parliamentary debate and official documents, we focus on claims about grounds (evidence) made to sustain the case that sex selection abortion is a British social problem and highlight how abortion was problematised in new ways. Perhaps most notable, we argue, was the level of largely unchallenged vilification of abortion doctors and providers, on the grounds that they are both law violators and participants in acts of discrimination and violence against women, especially those of Asian heritage. We draw attention to the role of claims made by feminists in the media and in Parliament about "gendercide" as part of this process and argue that those supportive of access to abortion need to critically assess both this aspect of the events and also consider arguments about the problems of "medical power" in the light of what took place.
Conti, Jennifer A; Cahill, Erica
To review updates in how abortion care is depicted and analysed though various media outlets: news, television, film, and social media. A surge in recent media-related abortion research has recognized several notable and emerging themes: abortion in the news media is often inappropriately sourced and politically motivated; abortion portrayal in US film and television is frequently misrepresented; and social media has a new and significant role in abortion advocacy. The portrayal of abortion onscreen, in the news, and online through social media has a significant impact on cultural, personal, and political beliefs in the United States. This is an emerging field of research with wide spread potential impact across several arenas: medicine, policy, public health.
Dworsky, Amy; Ahrens, Kym; Courtney, Mark
This research uses data from a longitudinal study to examine how two provisions in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act could affect health insurance coverage among young women who have aged out of foster care. It also explores how allowing young people to remain in foster care until age twenty-one affects their health insurance coverage, use of family planning services, and information about birth control. We find that young women are more likely to have health insurance if they remain in foster care until their twenty-first birthday and that having health insurance is associated with an increase in the likelihood of receiving family planning services. Our results also suggest that many young women who would otherwise lack health insurance after aging out of foster care will be eligible for Medicaid under the health care reform law. Because having health insurance is associated with use of family planning services, this increase in Medicaid eligibility may result in fewer unintended pregnancies among this high-risk population.
Dworsky, Amy; Ahrens, Kym; Courtney, Mark
This research uses data from a longitudinal study to examine how two provisions in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act could affect health insurance coverage among young women who have aged out of foster care. It also explores how allowing young people to remain in foster care until age twenty-one affects their health insurance coverage, use of family planning services, and information about birth control. We find that young women are more likely to have health insurance if they remain in foster care until their twenty-first birthday and that having health insurance is associated with an increase in the likelihood of receiving family planning services. Our results also suggest that many young women who would otherwise lack health insurance after aging out of foster care will be eligible for Medicaid under the health care reform law. Because having health insurance is associated with use of family planning services, this increase in Medicaid eligibility may result in fewer unintended pregnancies among this high-risk population. PMID:23262773
Diniz, D; Gonzalez Velez, A C
Although abortion has been the most debated of all issues analyzed in bioethics, no moral consensus has been achieved. The problem of abortion exemplifies the difficulty of establishing social dialogue in the face of distinct moral positions, and of creating an independent academic discussion based on writings that are passionately argumentative. The greatest difficulty posed by the abortion literature is to identify consistent philosophical and scientific arguments amid the rhetorical manipulation. A few illustrative texts were selected to characterize the contemporary debate. The terms used to describe abortion are full of moral meaning and must be analyzed for their underlying assumptions. Of the four main types of abortion, only 'eugenic abortion', as exemplified by the Nazis, does not consider the wishes of the woman or couple--a fundamental difference for most bioethicists. The terms 'selective abortion' and 'therapeutic abortion' are often confused, and selective abortion is often called eugenic abortion by opponents. The terms used to describe abortion practitioners, abortion opponents, and the 'product' are also of interest in determining the style of the article. The video entitled "The Silent Scream" was a classic example of violent and seductive rhetoric. Its type of discourse, freely mixing scientific arguments and moral beliefs, hinders analysis. Within writings about abortion three extreme positions may be identified: heteronomy (the belief that life is a gift that does not belong to one) versus reproductive autonomy; sanctity of life versus tangibility of life; and abortion as a crime versus abortion as morally neutral. Most individuals show an inconsistent array of beliefs, and few groups or individuals identify with the extreme positions. The principal argument of proponents of legalization is respect for the reproductive autonomy of the woman or couple based on the principle of individual liberty, while heteronomy is the main principle of
Access to abortion services is not difficult in India, even in remote areas. Providers of abortion range from traditional birth attendants to auxiliary nurse midwives and pharmacists, unqualified and qualified private doctors, to gynaecologists. Despite a well-defined law, there is a lack of regulation of abortion services or providers, and the cost to women is determined by supply side economics. The state is not a leading provider of abortions; services remain predominantly in the private sector. Abortions in the public sector are free only if the woman accepts some form of contraception; other fees may also be charged. The cost of abortion varies considerably, depending on the number of weeks of pregnancy, the woman's marital status, the method used, type of anaesthesia, whether it is a sex-selective abortion, whether diagnostic tests are carried out, whether the provider is registered and whether hospitalisation is required. A review of existing studies indicates that abortions cost a substantial amount--first trimester abortion averages Rs.500- 1000 and second trimester abortion Rs.2000-3000. Given the number of unqualified providers and with 15-20% of maternal deaths due to unsafe abortions, the costs of unsafe abortions must also be counted. It is imperative for the state to regulate the abortion economy in India, both to rationalise costs and assure safe abortions for women.
Low, Wah-Yun; Tong, Wen-Ting; Wong, Yut-Lin; Jegasothy, Ravindran; Choong, Sim-Poey
Malaysia has an abortion law, which permits termination of pregnancy to save a woman's life and to preserve her physical and mental health (Penal Code Section 312, amended in 1989). However, lack of clear interpretation and understanding of the law results in women facing difficulties in accessing abortion information and services. Some health care providers were unaware of the legalities of abortion in Malaysia and influenced by their personal beliefs with regard to provision of abortion services. Accessibility to safer abortion techniques is also an issue. The development of the 2012 Guidelines on Termination of Pregnancy and Guidelines for Management of Sexual and Reproductive Health among Adolescents in Health Clinics by the Ministry of Health, Malaysia, is a step forward toward increasing women's accessibility to safe abortion services in Malaysia. This article provides an account of women's accessibility to abortion in Malaysia and the health sector response in addressing the barriers. © 2014 APJPH.
Illsley, Raymond; Hall, Marion H.
The literature on psychosocial aspects of abortion is confusing. Individual publications must be interpreted in the context of cultural, religious, and legal constraints obtaining in a particular society at a given time, with due attention to the status and availability of alternatives to abortion that might be chosen by a woman with an “unwanted” pregnancy. A review of the literature shows that, where careful pre- and post-abortion assessments are made, the evidence is that psychological benefit commonly results, and serious adverse emotional sequelae are rare. The outcome of refused abortion seems less satisfactory, with regrets and distress frequently occurring. Research on the administration of abortion services suggests that counselling is often of value, that distress is frequently caused by delays in deciding upon and in carrying out abortions, and by unsympathetic attitudes of service providers. The phenomenon of repeated abortion seeking should be seen in the context of the availability and cost of contraception and sterilization. The place of sterilization with abortion requires careful study. A recommendation is made for observational descriptive research on populations of women with potentially unwanted pregnancies in different cultures, with comparisons of management systems and an evaluation of their impact on service users. PMID:1085671
Campbell, Nancy B.; And Others
Explored differences between 35 women who had abortions as teenagers and 36 women who had abortions as adults. Respondents reported on their premorbid psychiatric histories, the decision-making process itself, and postabortion distress symptoms. Antisocial and paranoid personality disorders, drug abuse, and psychotic delusions were significantly…
Sully, Elizabeth; Dibaba, Yohannes; Fetters, Tamara; Blades, Nakeisha; Bankole, Akinrinola
The 2005 expansion of the Ethiopian abortion law provided minors access to legal abortions, yet little is known about abortion among adolescents. This paper estimates the incidence of legal and clandestine abortions and the severity of abortion-related complications among adolescent and nonadolescent women in Ethiopia in 2014. This paper uses data from three surveys: a Health Facility Survey (n = 822) to collect data on legal abortions and postabortion complications, a Health Professionals Survey (n = 82) to estimate the share of clandestine abortions that resulted in treated complications, and a Prospective Data Survey (n = 5,604) to collect data on abortion care clients. An age-specific variant of the Abortion Incidence Complications Method was used to estimate abortions by age-group. Adolescents have the lowest abortion rate among all women below age 35 (19.6 per 1,000 women). After adjusting for lower levels of sexual activity among adolescents however, we find that adolescents have the highest abortion rate among all age-groups. Adolescents also have the highest proportion (64%) of legal abortions compared with other age-groups. We find no differences in the severity of abortion-related complications between adolescent and nonadolescent women. We find no evidence that adolescents are more likely than older women to have clandestine abortions. However, the higher abortion and pregnancy rates among sexually active adolescents suggest that they face barriers in access to and use of contraceptive services. Further work is needed to address the persistence of clandestine abortions among adolescents in a context where safe and legal abortion is available. Copyright © 2018 The Society for Adolescent Health and Medicine. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Paul, E F; Paul, J
Doctors have been placed in an anomalous position by abortion laws which sanction the termination of a fetus while in a woman's womb, yet call it murder when a physician attempts to end the life of a fetus which has somehow survived such a procedure. This predicament, the doctors' dilemma, can be resolved by adopting a strategy which posits the right to ownership of one's own body for human beings. Such an approach will generate a consistent policy prescription, one that sanctions the right of all pregnant women to abortions, yet grants the fetus, after it becomes viable as a potentially independent person, a right to its own body. The doctors' dilemma is surmounted, then, by requiring that abortions of viable fetuses be performed in a manner that will produce a live delivery. Hence, infanticide and termination of viable fetuses are proscribed. PMID:490573
Sir Dugald Baird sketches the history of abortion legislation in Great Britain from the beginning of the century. In his views the 1967 Abortion Act has been one of the most important and beneficial pieces of social legislation enacted in Britain in the last 100 years. It has, however, brought problems both of administration in the hospitals and to individual doctors and nurses, particularly when the patients are young single women and even schoolgirls. One of the consequences of the Abortion Act has been a fall in maternal mortality and perinatal mortality rates. Abortion does not seem to be followed by serious emotional sequelae. Nevertheless recent changes in sexual mores have introduced new and serious social problems which are discussed in relation to the role of the doctor in his relationship with patients seeking abortion. PMID:765461
Payne, E C; Kravitz, A R; Notman, M T; Anderson, J V
Psychological outcome of abortion was studied in 102 patients, measuring multiple variables over four time intervals. Five measured affects--anxiety, depression, anger, guilt, and shame-were significantly lower six months after the preabortion period. The following variables describe subgroups of patients with significant variations in patterns of responses as indicated by changes in affects: marital status, personality diagnosis, character of object relations, past psychopathologic factors, relationship to husband or lover, relationship to mother, ambivalence about abortion, religion, and previous parity. A complex multivariate model, based on conflict and conflict resolution, is appropriate to conceptualize, the unwanted pregnancy and abortion experience. Data suggest that women most vulnerable to conflict are those who are single and nulliparous, those with previous history of serious emotional problems, conflictual relationships to lovers, past negative relationships to mother, strong ambivalence toward abortion, or negative religious or cultural attitudes about abortion.
Cresswell, Jenny A; Schroeder, Rosalyn; Dennis, Mardieh; Owolabi, Onikepe; Vwalika, Bellington; Musheke, Maurice; Campbell, Oona; Filippi, Veronique
Objectives In Zambia, despite a relatively liberal legal framework, there remains a substantial burden of unsafe abortion. Many women do not use skilled providers in a well-equipped setting, even where these are available. The aim of this study was to describe women's knowledge of the law relating to abortion and attitudes towards abortion in Zambia. Setting Community-based survey in Central, Copperbelt and Lusaka provinces. Participants 1484 women of reproductive age (15–44 years). Primary and secondary outcome measures Correct knowledge of the legal grounds for abortion, attitudes towards abortion services and the previous abortions of friends, family or other confidants. Descriptive statistics and multivariable logistic regression were used to analyse how knowledge and attitudes varied according to sociodemographic characteristics. Results Overall, just 16% (95% CI 11% to 21%) of women of reproductive age correctly identified the grounds for which abortion is legal. Only 40% (95% CI 32% to 45% of women of reproductive age knew that abortion was legally permitted in the extreme situation where the pregnancy threatens the life of the mother. Even in urban areas of Lusaka province, only 55% (95% CI 41% to 67%) of women knew that an abortion could legally take place to save the mother's life. Attitudes remain conservative. Women with correct knowledge of abortion law in Zambia tended to have more liberal attitudes towards abortion and access to safe abortion services. Neither correct knowledge of the law nor attitudes towards abortion were associated with knowing someone who previously had an induced abortion. Conclusions Poor knowledge and conservative attitudes are important obstacles to accessing safe abortion services. Changing knowledge and attitudes can be challenging for policymakers and public health practitioners alike. Zambia could draw on its previous experience in dealing with its large HIV epidemic to learn cross-cutting lessons in effective mass
Brody, Howard; Hermer, Laura D
Medical malpractice reform is both necessary and desirable, yet certain types of reform are clearly preferable to others. We argue that "traditional" tort reform remedies such as stringent damage caps not only fail to address the root causes of negligence and the adverse effects that fear of suit can have on physicians, but also fail to address the needs of patients. Physicians ought to view themselves as professionals who are dedicated to putting patients' interests ahead of their own. Professionally responsible malpractice reform should therefore be at least as patient-centered as it is physician-centered. Examples of more professionally responsible malpractice reform exist where institutions take a pro-active approach to identification, investigation, and remediation of possible malpractice. Such programs should be implemented more generally, and state laws enacted to facilitate them.
Ralph, Lauren J; Foster, Diana Greene; Kimport, Katrina; Turok, David; Roberts, Sarah C M
Evaluating decisional certainty is an important component of medical care, including preabortion care. However, minimal research has examined how to measure certainty with reliability and validity among women seeking abortion. We examine whether the Decisional Conflict Scale (DCS), a measure widely used in other health specialties and considered the gold standard for measuring this construct, and the Taft-Baker Scale (TBS), a measure developed by abortion counselors, are valid and reliable for use with women seeking abortion and predict the decision to continue the pregnancy. Eligible women at four family planning facilities in Utah completed baseline demographic surveys and scales before their abortion information visit and follow-up interviews 3 weeks later. For each scale, we calculated mean scores and explored factors associated with high uncertainty. We evaluated internal reliability using Cronbach's alpha and assessed predictive validity by examining whether higher scale scores, indicative of decisional uncertainty or conflict, were associated with still being pregnant at follow-up. Five hundred women completed baseline surveys; two-thirds (63%) completed follow-up, at which time 11% were still pregnant. Mean scores on the DCS (15.5/100) and TBS (12.4/100) indicated low uncertainty, with acceptable reliability (α=.93 and .72, respectively). Higher scores on each scale were significantly and positively associated with still being pregnant at follow-up in both unadjusted and adjusted analyses. The DCS and TBS demonstrate acceptable reliability and validity among women seeking abortion care. Comparing scores on the DCS in this population to other studies of decision making suggests that the level of uncertainty in abortion decision making is comparable to or lower than other health decisions. The high levels of decisional certainty found in this study challenge the narrative that abortion decision making is exceptional compared to other healthcare decisions and
Science has a critical role to play in addressing humanity's most important challenges in the twenty-first century. However, the contemporary scientific enterprise has developed in ways that prevent it from reaching maximum effectiveness and detract from the appeal of a research career. To be effective, the methodological and culture reforms discussed in the accompanying essay must be accompanied by fundamental structural reforms that include a renewed vigorous societal investment in science and scientists. PMID:22184420
Globally, abortion mortality accounts for at least 13% of all maternal mortality. Unsafe abortion procedures, untrained abortion providers, restrictive abortion laws and high mortality and morbidity from abortion tend to occur together. Preventing mortality and morbidity from abortion in countries where these remain high is a matter of good public health policy and medical practice, and constitutes an important part of safe motherhood initiatives. This article examines the changes in policy and health service provision required to make abortions safe. It is based on a wide-ranging review of published and unpublished sources. In order to be effective, public health measures must take into account the reasons why women have abortions, the kind of abortion services required and at what stages of pregnancy, the types of abortion service providers needed, and training, cost and counselling issues. The transition from unsafe to safe abortions demands the following: changes at national policy level; abortion training for service providers and the provision of services at the appropriate primary level health service delivery points; and ensuring that women access these services instead of those of untrained providers. Public awareness that abortion services are available is a crucial element of this transition, particularly among adolescent and single women, who tend to have less access to reproductive health services generally. PMID:10859852
Such questions as the extent to which greater accessibility to abortion services affects poverty and its problems are analyzed, and proposals for identifying the socioeconomic impact of liberalized abortion laws and accessible services are developed. The number of unwanted children born is directly affected by the barriers to legal abortion. In countries that have improved access to legal abortion, the demand for the service has risen among all socioeconomic groups. Long-time family earning potential is severely effected by the defects in the timing and spacing of the birth of children, which often leads to young men and pregnant teen-agers leaving school because of the burdens of pregnancy and child support. Large family size was found in 35% of families in 1965 where the head of the household was a fully employed worker. Children born and living as psychologically rejected or unwanted children risk impaired learning and development which in turn limits future economic achievments. Research into the access of and financing of abortion services should deal with the financial needs of patient groups. The effects of nonhospital service programs, manpower needs, and the surveillance of gaps and coverage of the service needs should be prime research targets.
Grossman, Daniel; Baum, Sarah E; Andjelic, Denitza; Tatum, Carrie; Torres, Guadalupe; Fuentes, Liza; Friedman, Jennifer
In Peru, abortion is legal only to preserve the life and health of the woman. A non-profit clinic system in Peru implemented a harm-reduction model for women with unwanted pregnancy that included pre-abortion care with instructions about misoprostol use and post-abortion care; they started offering telephone follow-up for clients in 2011. This study aimed to evaluate the effectiveness and safety of the harm-reduction model, and to compare outcomes by type of follow-up obtained. Between January 2012 and March 2013, 500 adult women seeking harm-reduction services were recruited into the study. Telephone surveys were conducted approximately four weeks after their initial harm-reduction counseling session with 262 women (response rate 52%); 9 participants were excluded. The survey focused on whether women pursued an abortion, and if so, what their experience was. Demographic and clinical data were also extracted from clinic records. Eighty-six percent of participants took misoprostol; among those taking misoprostol, 89% reported a complete abortion at the time of the survey. Twenty-two percent obtained an aspiration after taking misoprostol and 8% self-reported adverse events including hemorrhage without transfusion, infection, or severe pain. Among women who took misoprostol, 46% reported receiving in-person follow-up (in some cases both telephone and in-person), 34% received telephone only, and 20% did not report receiving any form of follow-up. Those who had in-person follow-up with the counselor were most likely to report a complete abortion (<0.001). Satisfaction with both types of follow-up was very high, with 81%-89% reporting being very satisfied. Liberalization of restrictive abortion laws is associated with improvements in health outcomes, but the process of legal reform is often lengthy. In the interim, giving women information about evidence-based regimens of misoprostol, as well as offering a range of follow-up options to ensure high quality post-abortion
Baum, Sarah E.; Andjelic, Denitza; Tatum, Carrie; Torres, Guadalupe; Fuentes, Liza; Friedman, Jennifer
Background In Peru, abortion is legal only to preserve the life and health of the woman. A non-profit clinic system in Peru implemented a harm-reduction model for women with unwanted pregnancy that included pre-abortion care with instructions about misoprostol use and post-abortion care; they started offering telephone follow-up for clients in 2011. This study aimed to evaluate the effectiveness and safety of the harm-reduction model, and to compare outcomes by type of follow-up obtained. Methods Between January 2012 and March 2013, 500 adult women seeking harm-reduction services were recruited into the study. Telephone surveys were conducted approximately four weeks after their initial harm-reduction counseling session with 262 women (response rate 52%); 9 participants were excluded. The survey focused on whether women pursued an abortion, and if so, what their experience was. Demographic and clinical data were also extracted from clinic records. Results Eighty-six percent of participants took misoprostol; among those taking misoprostol, 89% reported a complete abortion at the time of the survey. Twenty-two percent obtained an aspiration after taking misoprostol and 8% self-reported adverse events including hemorrhage without transfusion, infection, or severe pain. Among women who took misoprostol, 46% reported receiving in-person follow-up (in some cases both telephone and in-person), 34% received telephone only, and 20% did not report receiving any form of follow-up. Those who had in-person follow-up with the counselor were most likely to report a complete abortion (<0.001). Satisfaction with both types of follow-up was very high, with 81%-89% reporting being very satisfied. Conclusions Liberalization of restrictive abortion laws is associated with improvements in health outcomes, but the process of legal reform is often lengthy. In the interim, giving women information about evidence-based regimens of misoprostol, as well as offering a range of follow
Chuang, Cynthia H; Martenis, Melissa E; Parisi, Sara M; Delano, Rachel E; Sobota, Mindy; Nothnagle, Melissa; Schwarz, Eleanor Bimla
Insurance coverage for family planning services has been a highly controversial element of the US health care reform debate. Whether primary care providers (PCPs) support public and private health insurance coverage for family planning services is unknown. PCPs in three states were surveyed regarding their opinions on health plan coverage and tax dollar use for contraception and abortion services. Almost all PCPs supported health plan coverage for contraception (96%) and use of tax dollars to cover contraception for low-income women (94%). A smaller majority supported health plan coverage for abortions (61%) and use of tax dollars to cover abortions for low-income women (63%). In adjusted models, support of health plan coverage for abortions was associated with female gender and internal medicine specialty, and support of using tax dollars for abortions for low-income women was associated with older age and internal medicine specialty. The majority of PCPs support health insurance coverage of contraception and abortion, as well as tax dollar subsidization of contraception and abortion services for low-income women. Copyright © 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
This article aims to provide no more than a brief summary and overview of some of the principal legal questions which arise in connection with assisted human conception. There is no requirement of legal suitability for natural parenthood, though a child may be removed from parental care at birth if its welfare is considered to be at risk. Where medical or other assistance is required, however, the law and social judgments may impinge on the freedom of individuals to procreate. Commercial surrogacy has recently been criminalized, but private surrogacy arrangements without reward are not illegal--although any contract would probably be unenforceable through the courts. If medical intervention is required to achieve assisted conception, the availability of resources for NHS treatment, the physical and mental health of the prospective mother and father, and the welfare (or lack of it) of any prospective child, may be factors in deciding whether an infertility unit will offer treatment. Such practices must not operate unfairly and must not discriminate on racial grounds. If treatment is provided, and a woman becomes pregnant, the ordinary abortion laws will apply and, it is thought, will extend to the selective reduction of a multiple pregnancy--there is no claim in English law for 'wrongful birth'. AID does not constitute adultery, and the law has recently been reformed to recognize children born following AID as legitimate to their social parents. A child may be regarded as the legitimate child of a surrogate mother's marriage, but where the baby is genetically distinct from the surrogate mother, the law, and is uncertain and as yet could be conflicting claims of parenthood without legislation. The storage and disposal of human gametes and embryos may raise problems of 'ownership'.
Robertson, John A
Stigma marks both surrogacy and abortion. Legal change lessens stigma but may not remove it altogether. Post-legalization regulation may reinstall stigma by surrounding a legalized practice with barriers that make exercise of that right more difficult. As a result, law may reenact stigma even as it purports to take it away. © 2015 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Inc.
Hart, T M
The enactment of the Eugenic Protection Act in Japan was followed by many changes. The population explosion was stemmed, the birth rate was halved, and while the marriage rate remained steady the divorce rate declined. The annual total of abortions increased until 1955 and then slowly declined. The highest incidence of abortions in families is in the 30 to 34 age group when there are four children in the family. As elsewhere abortion in advanced stages of pregnancy is associated with high morbidity and mortality. There is little consensus as to the number of criminal abortions. Reasons for criminal abortions can be found in the legal restrictions concerning abortion: Licensing of the abortionist, certification of hospitals, taxation of operations and the requirement that abortion be reported. Other factors are price competition and the patient's desire for secrecy. Contraception is relatively ineffective as a birth control method in Japan. Oral contraceptives are not yet government approved. In 1958 alone 1.1 per cent of married women were sterilized and the incidence of sterilization was increasing.
According to a survey, 68% of the Brazilian population want the continuation of the law banning abortion. Only 24% favor liberalization. The penal code stipulates a jail term of 2-8 years for abortion. The survey was carried out in 1991 involving 7018 persons aged 16 in 15 municipalities. 71% who approved the ban lived in the northeast north, and central-east regions. 68% in the south and 65% in the southeast were in favor of the prohibition. 74% in the small towns endorsed this law. 73% with up to 5 times the minimum monthly salary were against abortion, 65% of those with incomes between 5-10 times the minimum salary and 57% of those earning more than 10 times the minimum salary condemned abortion. 72% of women and 64% of men were against it. 73% of young people aged 16-25 wanted the continuation of the ban, compared to 66% of those aged 26-40 and 65% of people 41 or over. 72% of those with up to primary school education, 65% with secondary school education, and 48% with higher education approved the ban. Among those who favored liberalization, 27% lived in the southwest region, 31% were inhabitants of large cities, 36% earned more than 10 times the minimum income monthly, and 39% had obtained higher education.
A general overview of the Orion abort flight test is presented. The contents include: 1) Abort Flight Test Project Overview; 2) DFRC Exploration Mission Directorate; 3) Abort Flight Test; 4) Flight Test Configurations; 5) Flight Test Vehicle Engineering Office; 6) DFRC FTA Scope; 7) Flight Test Operations; 8) DFRC Ops Support; 9) Launch Facilities; and 10) Scope of Launch Abort Flight Test
Background While induced abortion is considered to be illegal and socially unacceptable in Nigeria, it is still practiced by many women in the country. Poor family planning and unsafe abortion practices have daunting effects on maternal health. For instance, Nigeria is on the verge of not meeting the Millennium development goals on maternal health due to high maternal mortality ratio, estimated to be about 630 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births. Recent evidences have shown that a major factor in this trend is the high incidence of abortion in the country. The objective of this paper is, therefore, to investigate the factors determining the demand for abortion and post-abortion care in Ibadan city of Nigeria. Methods The study employed data from a hospital-based/exploratory survey carried out between March to September 2010. Closed ended questionnaires were administered to a sample of 384 women of reproductive age from three hospitals within the Ibadan metropolis in South West Nigeria. However, only 308 valid responses were received and analysed. A probit model was fitted to determine the socioeconomic factors that influence demand for abortion and post-abortion care. Results The results showed that 62% of respondents demanded for abortion while 52.3% of those that demanded for abortion received post-abortion care. The findings again showed that income was a significant determinant of abortion and post-abortion care demand. Women with higher income were more likely to demand abortion and post-abortion care. Married women were found to be less likely to demand for abortion and post-abortion care. Older women were significantly less likely to demand for abortion and post-abortion care. Mothers’ education was only statistically significant in determining abortion demand but not post-abortion care demand. Conclusion The findings suggest that while abortion is illegal in Nigeria, some women in the Ibadan city do abort unwanted pregnancies. The consequence of this
Awoyemi, Bosede O; Novignon, Jacob
While induced abortion is considered to be illegal and socially unacceptable in Nigeria, it is still practiced by many women in the country. Poor family planning and unsafe abortion practices have daunting effects on maternal health. For instance, Nigeria is on the verge of not meeting the Millennium development goals on maternal health due to high maternal mortality ratio, estimated to be about 630 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births. Recent evidences have shown that a major factor in this trend is the high incidence of abortion in the country. The objective of this paper is, therefore, to investigate the factors determining the demand for abortion and post-abortion care in Ibadan city of Nigeria. The study employed data from a hospital-based/exploratory survey carried out between March to September 2010. Closed ended questionnaires were administered to a sample of 384 women of reproductive age from three hospitals within the Ibadan metropolis in South West Nigeria. However, only 308 valid responses were received and analysed. A probit model was fitted to determine the socioeconomic factors that influence demand for abortion and post-abortion care. The results showed that 62% of respondents demanded for abortion while 52.3% of those that demanded for abortion received post-abortion care. The findings again showed that income was a significant determinant of abortion and post-abortion care demand. Women with higher income were more likely to demand abortion and post-abortion care. Married women were found to be less likely to demand for abortion and post-abortion care. Older women were significantly less likely to demand for abortion and post-abortion care. Mothers' education was only statistically significant in determining abortion demand but not post-abortion care demand. The findings suggest that while abortion is illegal in Nigeria, some women in the Ibadan city do abort unwanted pregnancies. The consequence of this in the absence of proper post-abortion
In India, the 1971 Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, while allowing abortions under a broad range of circumstances, can be considered a conservative law from a feminist perspective. The Act allows healthcare providers rather than women seeking abortion to have the final say on abortion, and creates an environment within which women are made dependent on their healthcare providers. On October 29, 2014, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare released a draft of the MTP (Amendment) Bill 2014, which proposes changes that could initiate a shift in the focus of the Indian abortion discourse from healthcare providers to women. Such a shift would decrease the vulnerability of women within the clinical setting and free them from subjective interpretations of the law. The Bill also expands the base of healthcare providers by including mid-level and non-allopathic healthcare providers. While the medical community has resisted this inclusion, the author is in favour of it, arguing that in the face of the high rates of unsafe abortion, such a step is both ethical and necessary. Additionally, the clause extending the gestational limit could trigger ethical debates on eugenic abortions and sex-selective abortions. This paper argues that neither of these should be used to limit access to late-trimester termination, and should, instead, be dealt with separately and in a way that enquires into why such pregnancies are considered unwanted.
Abstract This article considers the relationship between the decriminalization of abortion and women’s access to abortion services. It focuses on the four Australian jurisdictions which are, with Canada, the only jurisdictions in the world where abortion has been removed from the criminal law. This paper draws on documentary evidence and an oral history project to give a “before and after” account of each jurisdiction. The paper assumes that the meaning and impact of decriminalization must be assessed in each local context. Understanding the conditions that shape access must incorporate analysis of the broader social, political and economic environment as well as the law. The article finds that decriminalization does not necessarily deliver any improvement in women’s access to abortion, at least in the short term. Further, it is not inconsistent with the neoliberal policy environment that characterizes the provision of abortion care in Australia, where most abortions are provided through the private sector at financial cost to women. If all women are to enjoy their human rights to full reproductive health care, the public health system must take responsibility for the adequate provision of abortion services; ongoing and vigilant activism is central if this is to be achieved. PMID:28630552
Ortiz Ortega, A
"Abortion practiced under conditions of risk" is a phrase used to refer to illegal abortion. The phrase does not highlight the disappearance of risk when legislation changes. Rather, it calls attention to the fact that legal restrictions significantly increase dangers while failing to discourage women determined to terminate pregnancies. The International Planned Parenthood Federation defines abortion under conditions of risk as the use of nonoptimal technology, lack of counseling and services to orient the woman's decision and provide postabortion counseling, and the limitation of freedom to make the decision. The phrase encompasses concealment, illegality, corruption, and negligence. It is designed to impose a reproductive health perspective in response to an unresolved social conflict. Steps have been developed to improve the situation of women undergoing abortion even without a change in its legal status. Such steps include training and purchase of equipment for treatment of incomplete abortions and development of counseling and family planning services. The central difficulty of abortion induced in conditions of risk derives from the laws imposing the need for secrecy. In Mexico, the abortion decision belongs to the government and the society, while individual absorb the consequences of the practice of abortion. Public decision making about abortion is dominated by the concept that the female has an obligation to carry any pregnancy to term. Women who interfere with male descendency and practice a sexuality distinct from reproduction are made to pay a price in health and emotional balance. Resolution of the problem of abortion will require new concepts in terms of legal status, public health issues, and the rights of women. The problem becomes more pressing as abortion becomes more common in a country anxious to advance in the demographic transition. Only a commitment to the reproductive health of women and the full development of their rights as citizens will
Osazuwa, Henry; Aziken, Michael
Septic abortion is a significant health problem with short- and long-term complications that affect the quality of life of those fortunate enough to avoid mortality. Both spontaneous and induced abortion can result in septic complications, with the latter disproportionately higher. Its incidence is high in environments with restrictive abortion laws, as clandestine procedures by non-doctors in unhygienic settings are prevalent. This study shows that it is still more common among teenagers and mainly performed by health professionals, which means that health care interventions should be re-evaluated and appropriately directed to preserve the reproductive health status of this vulnerable population.
Abortion laws in India, like other laws, are premised on the 1861 British Penal Code. The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act was passed in 1971 to circumvent the criminality clause around abortion. Yet the law continues to render invisible women's right to choose. Legal procedures have often hindered in permitting abortion, resulting in the death of a mother or the foetus. Despite the latest techno-medical advances, the laws have remained stagnant or rather restrictive, complicated further by selective female foetus abortions. Legal resistance to abortion-seeking after 20 weeks gestation adversely affects women, depriving them of autonomy of choice. In this paper, raising important gender, health and ethical issues are illustrated through a recent legal case in India. Feminist campaigns against the legal mindset in India are emerging.
Clarkson, S E
The medical profession was relieved when the Contraceptive, Sterilization and Abortion Act was passed in New Zealand in 1977, but it now appears that there are continuing problems with the implementation of the law. Most of the law's clauses are concerned with the practical aspects of the performance of abortions in New Zealand. Outlined in the law are requirements for licenses of hospitals, certifying consultants and operating surgeons, and the tasks of the supervising committee are specified. Thus, the medical profession accepted the impossible job of becoming the arbiter of morals of New Zealand society. There have been problems, since passage of the law, with inadequate numbers of certifying consultants being recruited, the resignation of the chair of the Abortion Supervisory Committee, a lack of resources to provide the required counseling services, and local variation in interpretations resulting in inconsistent treatment of abortion requests in different parts of the country. The basis of the problem is the fact that this law requires a moral rather than a medical decision to be made. Although at 1st glance the phrase serious risk to mental health would appear to be easily interpreted, this is not so. The morality of an act of abortion depends on the right afforded the fetus, and no society has as yet achieved a consensus on this. Thus, this must remain the conviction of each separate individual. Some guidance may come from medidal and legal advisers in this moral decision, but it is impossible to delegate personal moral decisions.
Mavroforou, Anna; Koumantakis, Evgenios; Michalodimitrakis, Emmanuel
To investigate the individual and social profile of the adolescents seeking abortion in Greece. Questionnaires were distributed from the obstetricians practicing in the capital and two major cities in Greece to adolescent pregnant women who were seeking for abortion and collected anonymously. From 150 consecutive pregnant adolescents, 38 refused to participate and from 112 who accepted to participate only 74 (66%) replied. Most of the respondents lived in a city (65%), were unmarried (73%), 62% had sex first time after the age of 15, and the educational status of their parents was rarely at higher degree (father: 20%, mother: 16%). Among them, 74% declared that they had received information on contraception (64% from friends, 47% from doctors, 36% from the media). Overall, withdrawal (49%) and male condom (28.5%) were the popular contraceptive precautions. Abortion was adolescents' decision in 65%, while the partner's influence in the case of a shared decision was as high as 73%. Most adolescents (91%) knew about the potential risks of abortion mainly by their doctor (87%) and socio-economical reasons (89%) were mostly claimed. Their parents were rarely aware about their pregnancy (28%) and decision for abortion (28%). In most cases it was the first abortion (78%) and adolescents declared that were aware about the Greek Church's opposition (89%) and the existence of an abortion law (86%). In Greece, the poor education on the issue of contraception still remains a major problem among teenagers contributing to the increased prevalence of undesired pregnancies and abortions.
This paper investigates whether James Hunter's culture war thesis is an apt characterization of the American abortion debate. The author focuses on three arguments central to Hunter's analysis: 1) that the abortion debate involves two paradigmatically opposed world views; 2) that debate about abortion, since it involves moral discourse, is structurally different than other political debates; and 3) that the new alignments in abortion politics are culturally significant. Examining existing research in each of these three domains, the author finds that the debate over abortion is more complex than suggested by Hunter. World views of pro-life and pro-choice activists, for example, share a commitment to some overlapping values; the argumentative structure of abortion discourse has a pattern rather similar to that of political debate more generally, and new alignments on abortion, such as that between the Catholic Church and the Southern Baptist Convention, do not displace historically embedded differences in symbolic resources and cultural orientation. As suggested by the author, it may be more helpful, therefore, to think of the abortion debate as an ongoing public conversation about America's cultural tradition and how it should be variously expressed in contemporary laws and practices.
2 separate and important features of abortion law and practice in the UK which are particularly relevant to nurses participating in the procedure are examined: the nurse's participation in an abortion induced by the injection of prostaglandin into the womb; and the nurse's right to refuse to participate in any form of abortion on the basis of reasons of conscience. Focus is on the position of a predecessor of Karen Smith on a female surgical ward in the mid 1970s. It was then that abortions by the use of prostaglandin solution were becoming prevalent. When the Abortion Act became law in 1967 the most usual abortion method involved surgical intervention, and no legal problem was involved for the surgical intervention would always be performed by a physician. Around 1970 the prostaglandin method of inducing abortion began to be written about in the journals. The method was found to have several advantages, including the deployment of medical and nursing staff. The process is initiated by a registered medical practitioner, as it must be according to the Abortion Act. A catheter is inserted through which prostaglandin solution is administered to the patient. From that time the nurse assumes a crucial role. Nurses carry out in whole or in part the subsequent steps in the process. A prostaglandin pump is connected up with the catheter in order to give the patients the abortifacients. Nurses monitor the process, which can last between 15-30 hours. It usually takes about 18 hours for this method to produce the abortion, and the nurses are involved with the patient during this time. Doctors or "registered medical practitioners," are frequently absent. Following questions raised in senior nursing circles regarding the propriety and legality of this process, the DHSS issued a circular to allay fears. The department advised that, providing a registered medical practitioner personally made the decision and initiated the medical induction process and remained responsible for it
Jebereanu, Laura; Jebereanu, Diana; Alaman, Roxana; Tofan, Andra; Jebereanu, Sorin; Pauncu, Sebastian
To kill a new life before it's born, to do an abortion. This is a problem of many generations. In the evolution of human civilization, the attitude concerning abortion was different in different cultures, periods, societies. The aim of our study is to evaluate the actual opinion and attitude of young persons, students, and residents in medicine in Timisoara city, and the situation of the whole country. We performed a questionnaire for 400 people, between the ages of 19 and 28 with superior studies. The group is composed of 320 (80%) women and 80 (20%) men. We accepted for recording and analyzing all the the completed questionnaires. The questions referred to the topic of abortion in the antecedents, and asked if they had had one, how it affected the life of the women and her family, the circumstances of acceptance of abortion today, religious aspects and different other aspects.
There is general agreement that uncertainty persists regarding the psychological sequelae of abortion. Inconsistencies of interpretation stem from a lack of consensus about the symptoms, severity, and duration of mental disorder. In addition, opinions differ based on individual case studies and there is no national reporting system or adequate follow up system. Frequently, reviews combine studies conducted prior to and after the 1973 Supreme Court decision, mix elective abortion with those induced for medical reasons, or fail to distinguish between abortions performed early or late in gestation. The literature reveals methodological problems, a lack of controls, and sampling inadequacies. A review of the available literature and the files of "Abortion Research Notes" suggests that women at particular risk for postabortion stress reactions are those who terminate an originally wanted pregnancy, are strongly ambivalent, come very late in their pregnancy, or lack the support of significant others.
Bradley, C F
Two hundred and fifty-four women were followed from the second trimester of pregnancy until twelve months postpartum. Of these women, twenty-eight had had a prior therapeutic abortion and 216 women had no previous abortion. During their pregnancy and the postpartum period, the women completed a series of psychological and attitudinal measures. Analysis revealed that there were no significant differences between the two groups in terms of their demographic status, their obstetric experience or attitudes towards labour and birth. The study failed to demonstrate a relationship between anxiety during pregnancy and a prior abortion, nor were there any indications of inadequate maternal functioning. Women who had a prior abortion scored higher on the autonomy and nurturance subscales of the Personality Research Form, and had higher levels of depressive affect in the third trimester of pregnancy and in the postpartum period.
Ralph, Lauren; Gould, Heather; Baker, Anne; Foster, Diana Greene
Despite the prevalence of laws requiring parental involvement in minors' abortion, little is known about the effect of parental involvement on minors' abortion decision making and anticipated coping after abortion. We analyzed data from medical charts and counseling needs assessment forms for 5,109 women accessing abortion services at a clinic in 2008, 9% (n = 476) of whom were minors aged 17 years and under. We examined differences in abortion characteristics, including parental and partner involvement, between minors and adults, and used multivariate logistic regression models to examine predictors of parental involvement and support, confidence in the decision, and anticipated poor coping among minors. Most minors reported that their mothers (64%) and partners (83%) were aware of their abortion. Younger age was associated with increased odds of maternal awareness and reduced odds of partner awareness. Compared with adults, minors were more likely to report external pressure to seek abortion (10% vs. 3%), and mothers were the most common source of pressure. Minors overall had high confidence in their decision and anticipated feeling a range of emotions post-abortion; minors who felt pressure to seek abortion were less likely to report having confidence in their decision (odds ratio = .1) and more likely to report anticipating poor coping (odds ratio = 5.6). Most minors involve parents and partners in their decision making regarding abortion, and find support from these individuals. For a minority, experiencing pressure or lack of support reduces confidence in their decision and increases their likelihood of anticipating poor coping after an abortion. Copyright © 2014 Society for Adolescent Health and Medicine. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Rimon-Zarfaty, Nitzan; Jotkowitz, Alan
The Israeli law of abortions (1977) legally authorises hospital committees to decide upon women's requests for selective abortion. One of the law's clauses determines that abortions can be approved in cases of an embryopathy. However, the law does not provide any clear definitions of those fetal 'physical or mental defects' in terms of severity and/or likelihood, which remain open to interpretation by the committee members. This paper aimed to determine which ethical methodologies are used by committee members and advisors as they face the dilemma of abortion approval due to mild to moderate possible embryopathy. Twenty interviews demonstrated that they use mainly a combination of deontology and a contextual-relational model. Their ethical considerations are both contextual such as the family's/woman's relational network and are influenced by the ethical principles of autonomy and in cases of late abortions the value of life. The findings reveal a paradoxical picture: on the one hand, committee members hold liberal perceptions and in practice abortion requests are very seldom rejected. On the other hand, the Israeli abortion law and practice of abortion committees is still problematical from liberal and feminist rights perspectives. This paradox is discussed further by reflecting upon the relevant theory as well as the Israeli context. The paper concludes by suggesting that within the specific Israeli sociopolitical climate the requirement for committee approval of what should be a private decision might be necessary in order to placate religious or other opposition to abortion.
Mr. Corrie's argument for the Abortion (Amendment) Bill is based on a misunderstanding of the problem. All evidence supports the conclusion that is is impossible to prevent abortion by legislation. It was a recognition of this fact which persuaded many people of the necessity for a liberal Act in 1967. Since that time nothing has changed to alter the supposition that a large proportion of women denied legal abortion will seek an illegal abortion. The major medical establishment bodies recognize and accept this and are opposed to the Corrie Bill. Those who work in this area know that what is needed is a much greater effort in providing sex education and access to contraceptive advice and methods for those with special problems. 1 of the ironies of the proposed legislation is that abortion rates have until very recently been declining, following the major expansion of family planning provision in 1974. The attempt to lower the accepted limit for abortion to 20 weeks would only add to the anguish and problems of women and doctors in the very small proportion of cases involved, and it is difficult to see why the Lane Committee recommendation of 24 weeks cannot be accepted as a compromise. Of the 3 principle changes introduced in the Bill, it is the 1 which aims to separate counseling from operating which has the most important consequences. This measure is aimed at the 2 primary abortion charities which were established to meet the deficiencies of provision by the National Health Service. Between them they account for 30-40% of the abortions performed. There is no evidence for the suggestion that people working for these charities have a financial interest in drumming up work.
A large number of induced abortions exist in central Serbia, in spite of the fact that modern science made new methods and devices for the birth control available, which are more acceptable both from the medical and personal point of view. This fact shows contradictory situation and opens several questions. The crucial being: why do wome rely on abortion and do not use modern contraception? In research done in 1991--it refers to Belgrade and it includes four hundred women--confirmed was the accepted hypothesis that the extension of induced abortion developed from the discordance between comprehension of the need of birth control and the way it should be accomplished. The main causes of the discordance are insufficient knowledge about modern contraception, phychological barriers, insufficient cultural level (general, health, sex) of the population and lack of institutionalized contemporary concept fof family planning. Duration of prevalence of induced abortions indicates that underlying causes of frequency are numerous and stable over time. Considering this, and the slowness of any spontaneous change, it may be expected that the problem of abortions will be present in the years to come. However, duration of abortion prevalence will depend, to a large extent, on the ability and willingness of the State to cope with this issue.
The article considers three theses about postabortion regret which seek to illustrate its pertinence to reasoning about abortion, and which are often deployed, either explicitly or implicitly, to dissuade women out of that reproductive choice. The first is that postabortion regret renders an abortion morally unjustified. The second is that that a relatively high incidence of postabortion regret-compared with a lower incidence of postnatal regret in the relevant comparator field-is good evidence for the moral impermissibility of abortion choice. The third is that high rates of postabortion regret suggest that abortion is not the most prudent or welfare-maximising choice for the woman concerned. All three theses argue for the compellingness of knowledge about postabortion regret in moral and practical reasoning about abortion, especially from the pregnant woman's point of view. This article argues that all three theses are flawed. In particular, it seeks to remind readers that feelings of regret directed at past decisions are often decoupled from the fact of the matter about their moral or rational justification. Moreover, certain features of reproductive decisions in particular make regret an especially unsuitable yardstick for actual justification in this context, and even less epistemically reliable as evidence for a lack of justification than it may be in other fields of decision-making. The implication is that rates of postabortion regret, even if they can be presumed to be higher than rates of postnatal regret, are not as pertinent to moral and practical reasoning about abortion as is sometimes suggested.
Leone, Tiziana; Coast, Ernestina; Parmar, Divya; Vwalika, Bellington
Zambia has one of the most liberal abortion laws in sub-Saharan Africa. However, rates of unsafe abortion remain high with negative health and economic consequences. Little is known about the economic burden on women of abortion care-seeking in low income countries. The majority of studies focus on direct costs (e.g. hospital fees). This article estimates the individual-level economic burden of safe and unsafe abortion care-seeking in Zambia, incorporating all indirect and direct costs. It uses data collected in 2013 from a tertiary hospital in Lusaka, (n = 112) with women who had an abortion. Three treatment routes are identified: (1) safe abortion at the hospital, (2) unsafe clandestine medical abortion initiated elsewhere with post-abortion care at the hospital and (3) unsafe abortion initiated elsewhere with post-abortion care at the hospital. Based on these three typologies, we use descriptive analysis and linear regression to estimate the costs for women of seeking safe and unsafe abortion and to establish whether the burden of abortion care-seeking costs is equally distributed across the sample. Around 39% of women had an unsafe abortion, incurring substantial economic costs before seeking post-abortion care. Adolescents and poorer women are more likely to use unsafe abortion. Unsafe abortion requiring post-abortion care costs women 27% more than a safe abortion. When accounting for uncertainty this figure increases dramatically. For safe and unsafe abortions, unofficial provider payments represent a major cost to women.This study demonstrates that despite a liberal legislation, Zambia still needs better dissemination of the law to women and providers and resources to ensure abortion service access. The policy implications of this study include: the role of pharmacists and mid-level providers in the provision of medical abortion services; increased access to contraception, especially for adolescents; and elimination of demands for unofficial provider
On September 24 1993, the US Senate voted to limit access to abortion services for poor women under Medicaid to cases of rape, incest, or where pregnancy poses a risk to a woman's health. The US House of Representatives had earlier adopted a similar amendment, so now the bill will be sent to the President. The original amendment limited abortion access under Medicaid to only poor women whose life was endangered. Its sponsor proposed to expand coverage to cases of rape and incest based on pragmatic political grounds and knowing that this expansion would include fewer than 100 abortions. Abortion rights groups considered this 1993 expansion of the amendment as a step toward restoring real equity in access to abortion. Nevertheless, like the antiabortion groups, they do not consider it progress. The 5 female Senators vowed to fight to obtain full abortion coverage under Medicaid. The also pointed out to their male colleagues that this amendment discriminates against poor women. Many senators voted for the amendment because they chose the lesser of 2 evils. Many people are concerned that this bill indicates how Congress will treat poor women when health care reform legislation arrives and its concern for all women's right to access to abortion services under government-sponsored programs. More than 40 Senators can clearly see the difference between direct federal funding of abortion and other forms of government involvement. Further, Congress did approve the bill granting federal employees access to abortion services, but it passed by only 1 vote. Abortion rights proponents and abortion opponents should consider these aforementioned facts when preparing for the debate over abortion coverage under health care reform.
Smith, T W
In the US attitudes toward abortion in the 1980s seem to have reached a more liberal plateau, much more favored than in the 1960s or earlier, but not longer moving in a liberal direction. Catholic attitudes basically have followed the same trend. Traditionally Catholic support has been slightly lower than Protestant, and both are less inclined to support abortion than Jews or the nonreligious. During the 1970s support among non-black Catholics averaged about 10 percentage points below non-black Protestants. Blacks tend to be anti-abortion and thereby lower support among Protestants as a whole. A comparison of Protestants and Catholics of both races shows fewer religious differences -- about 7 percentage points. There are some indications that this gap may be closing. In 1982, for the 1st time, support for abortions for social reasons, such as poverty, not wanting to marry, or not wanting more children, was as high among Catholics as among Protestants. 1 of the factors contributing to this narrowing gap has been the higher level of support for abortion among younger Catholics. Protestants show little variation on abortion attitudes, with those over age 65 being slightly less supportive. Among Catholics, support drops rapidly with age. This moderate and possibly vanishing difference between Catholics and Protestants contrasts sharply with the official positions of their respective churches. The Catholic Church takes an absolute moral position against abortion, while most Protestant churches take no doctrinaire position on abortion. Several, such as the Unitarians and Episcopalians, lean toward a pro-choice position as a matter of social policy, though fundamentalist sects take strong anti-abortion stances. Few Catholics agree with their church's absolutist anti-abortion position. The big split on abortion comes between what are sometimes termed the "hard" abortion reasons -- mother's health endangered, serious defect in fetus, rape, or incest. Support among Catholics
Grimes, David A
An estimated 19 million unsafe abortions occur worldwide each year, resulting in the deaths of about 70,000 women. Legalization of abortion is a necessary but insufficient step toward improving women's health. Without skilled providers, adequate facilities and easy access, the promise of safe, legal abortion will remain unfulfilled, as in India and Zambia. Both suction curettage and pharmacological abortion are safe methods in early pregnancy; sharp curettage is inferior and should be abandoned. For later abortions, either dilation and evacuation or labour induction are appropriate. Hysterotomy should not be used. Timely and appropriate management of complications can reduce morbidity and prevent mortality. Treatment delays are dangerous, regardless of their origin. Misoprostol may reduce the risks of unsafe abortion by providing a safer alternative to traditional clandestine abortion methods. While the debate over abortion will continue, the public health record is settled: safe, legal, accessible abortion improves health.
This article empirically assesses whether age-restricted access to abortion and the birth control pill influence minors' fertility in the United States. There is not a strong consensus in previous literature regarding the relationship between laws restricting minors' access to abortion and minors' birth rates. This is the first study to recognize that state laws in place prior to the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision enabled minors to legally consent to surgical treatment-including abortion-in some states but not in others, and to construct abortion access variables reflecting this. In this article, age-specific policy variables measure either a minor's legal ability to obtain an abortion or to obtain the birth control pill without parental involvement. I find fairly strong evidence that young women's birth rates dropped as a result of abortion access as well as evidence that birth control pill access led to a drop in birth rates among whites.
Belsky, J E
If the efforts now underway to limit access to abortion services in the United States are successful, their greatest impact will be on women who lack the funds to obtain abortions elsewhere. There is little published information, however, about the experience of medically indigent women who sought abortions under the old, restrictive state laws. This article details the psychiatric evaluation of 199 women requesting a therapeutic abortion at a large municipal hospital in New York City under a restrictive abortion law. Thirty-nine percent had tried to abort the pregnancy. Fifty-seven percent had concrete evidence of serious psychiatric disorder. Forty-eight percent had been traumatized by severe family disruption, gross emotional deprivation or abuse during childhood. Seventy-nine percent lacked emotional support from the man responsible for the pregnancy, and the majority were experiencing overwhelming stress from the interplay of multiple problems exacerbated by their unwanted pregnancy.
Jatlaoui, Tara C; Ewing, Alexander; Mandel, Michele G; Simmons, Katharine B; Suchdev, Danielle B; Jamieson, Denise J; Pazol, Karen
Since 1969, CDC has conducted abortion surveillance to document the number and characteristics of women obtaining legal induced abortions in the United States. 2013. Each year, CDC requests abortion data from the central health agencies of 52 reporting areas (the 50 states, the District of Columbia, and New York City). The reporting areas provide this information voluntarily. For 2013, data were received from 49 reporting areas. For trend analysis, abortion data were evaluated from 47 areas that reported data every year during 2004-2013. Census and natality data, respectively, were used to calculate abortion rates (number of abortions per 1,000 women) and ratios (number of abortions per 1,000 live births). A total of 664,435 abortions were reported to CDC for 2013. Of these abortions, 98.2% were from the 47 reporting areas that provided data every year during 2004-2013. Among these 47 reporting areas, the abortion rate for 2013 was 12.5 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44 years, and the abortion ratio was 200 abortions per 1,000 live births. From 2012 to 2013, the total number, rate, and ratio of reported abortions decreased 5%. From 2004 to 2013, the total number, rate, and ratio of reported abortions decreased 20%, 21%, and 17%, respectively. In 2013, all three measures reached their lowest level for the entire period of analysis (2004-2013). In 2013 and throughout the period of analysis, women in their 20s accounted for the majority of abortions and had the highest abortion rates; women in their 30s and older accounted for a much smaller percentage of abortions and had lower abortion rates. In 2013, women aged 20-24 and 25-29 years accounted for 32.7% and 25.9% of all abortions, respectively, and had abortion rates of 21.8 and 18.2 abortions per 1,000 women aged 20-24 and 25-29 years, respectively. In contrast, women aged 30-34, 35-39, and ≥40 years accounted for 16.8%, 9.2%, and 3.6% of all abortions, respectively, and had abortion rates of 11.8, 7.0, and 2
Pazol, Karen; Creanga, Andreea A; Jamieson, Denise J
Since 1969, CDC has conducted abortion surveillance to document the number and characteristics of women obtaining legal induced abortions in the United States. 2012. Each year, CDC requests abortion data from the central health agencies of 52 reporting areas (the 50 states, the District of Columbia, and New York City). The reporting areas provide this information voluntarily. For 2012, data were received from 49 reporting areas. For trend analysis, abortion data were evaluated from 47 areas that reported data every year during 2003-2012. Census and natality data, respectively, were used to calculate abortion rates (number of abortions per 1,000 women) and ratios (number of abortions per 1,000 live births). A total of 699,202 abortions were reported to CDC for 2012. Of these abortions, 98.4% were from the 47 reporting areas that provided data every year during 2003-2012. Among these same 47 reporting areas, the abortion rate for 2012 was 13.2 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44 years, and the abortion ratio was 210 abortions per 1,000 live births. From 2011 to 2012, the total number and ratio of reported abortions decreased 4% and the abortion rate decreased 5%. From 2003 to 2012, the total number, rate, and ratio of reported abortions decreased 17%, 18%, and 14%, respectively, and reached their lowest level in 2012 for the entire period of analysis (2003-2012). In 2012 and throughout the period of analysis, women in their 20s accounted for the majority of abortions and had the highest abortion rates; women in their 30s and older accounted for a much smaller percentage of abortions and had lower abortion rates. In 2012, women aged 20-24 and 25-29 years accounted for 32.8% and 25.4% of all abortions, respectively, and had abortion rates of 23.3 and 18.9 abortions per 1,000 women aged 20-24 and 25-29 years, respectively. In contrast, women aged 30-34, 35-39, and ≥40 years accounted for 16.4%, 9.1%, and 3.7% of all abortions, respectively, and had abortion rates of
Pazol, Karen; Creanga, Andreea A; Burley, Kim D; Jamieson, Denise J
Since 1969, CDC has conducted abortion surveillance to document the number and characteristics of women obtaining legal induced abortions in the United States. 2011. Each year, CDC requests abortion data from the central health agencies of 52 reporting areas (the 50 states, the District of Columbia, and New York City). The reporting areas provide this information voluntarily. For 2011, data were received from 49 reporting areas. For trend analysis, abortion data were evaluated from 46 areas that reported data every year during 2002-2011. Census and natality data, respectively, were used to calculate abortion rates (number of abortions per 1,000 women) and ratios (number of abortions per 1,000 live births). A total of 730,322 abortions were reported to CDC for 2011. Of these abortions, 98.3% were from the 46 reporting areas that provided data every year during 2002-2011. Among these same 46 reporting areas, the abortion rate for 2011 was 13.9 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44 years, and the abortion ratio was 219 abortions per 1,000 live births. From 2010 to 2011, the total number and rate of reported abortions decreased 5% and the abortion ratio decreased 4%, and from 2002 to 2011, the total number, rate, and ratio of reported abortions decreased 13%, 14%, and 12%, respectively. In 2011, all three measures reached their lowest level for the entire period of analysis (2002-2011). In 2011 and throughout the period of analysis, women in their 20s accounted for the majority of abortions and had the highest abortion rates, and women in their 30s and older accounted for a much smaller percentage of abortions and had lower abortion rates. In 2011, women aged 20-24 and 25-29 years accounted for 32.9% and 24.9% of all abortions, respectively, and had abortion rates of 24.9 and 19.4 abortions per 1,000 women aged 20-24 and 25-29 years, respectively. In contrast, women aged 30-34, 35-39, and ≥40 years accounted for 15.8%, 8.9%, and 3.6% of all abortions, respectively
Stimson, C J; Dmochowski, Roger; Penson, David F
We reviewed the state of medical malpractice tort reform in the context of a new political climate and the current debate over comprehensive health care reform. Specifically we asked whether medical malpractice tort reform is necessary, and evaluated the strengths and weaknesses of contemporary reform proposals. The medical, legal and public policy literature related to medical malpractice tort reform was reviewed and synthesized. We include a primer for understanding the current structure of medical malpractice law, identify the goals of the current system and analyze whether these goals are presently being met. Finally, we describe and evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the current reform proposals including caps on damages, safe harbors and health care courts. Medical malpractice tort law is designed to improve health care quality and appropriately compensate patients for medical malpractice injuries, but is failing on both fronts. Of the 3 proposed remedies, caps on damages do little to advance the quality and compensatory goals, while safe harbors and health care courts represent important advancements in tort reform. Tort reform should be included in the current health policy debate because the current medical malpractice system is not adequately achieving the basic goals of tort law. While safe harbors and health care courts both represent reasonable remedies, health care courts may be preferred because they do not rely on jury determination in the absence of strong medical evidence. Copyright © 2010 American Urological Association Education and Research, Inc. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Hussain, Rubina; Finer, Lawrence B
Despite advances in reproductive health law, many Filipino women experience unintended pregnancies, and because abortion is highly stigmatized in the country, many who seek abortion undergo unsafe procedures. This report provides a summary of reproductive health indicators in the Philippines—in particular, levels of contraceptive use, unplanned pregnancy and unsafe abortion—and describes the sociopolitical context in which services are provided, the consequences of unintended pregnancy and unsafe abortion,and recommendations for improving access to reproductive health services.
Mohamed, Shukri F; Izugbara, Chimaraoke; Moore, Ann M; Mutua, Michael; Kimani-Murage, Elizabeth W; Ziraba, Abdhalah K; Bankole, Akinrinola; Singh, Susheela D; Egesa, Caroline
The recently promulgated 2010 constitution of Kenya permits abortion when the life or health of the woman is in danger. Yet broad uncertainty remains about the interpretation of the law. Unsafe abortion remains a leading cause of maternal morbidity and mortality in Kenya. The current study aimed to determine the incidence of induced abortion in Kenya in 2012. The incidence of induced abortion in Kenya in 2012 was estimated using the Abortion Incidence Complications Methodology (AICM) along with the Prospective Morbidity Survey (PMS). Data were collected through three surveys, (i) Health Facilities Survey (HFS), (ii) Prospective Morbidity Survey (PMS), and (iii) Health Professionals Survey (HPS). A total of 328 facilities participated in the HFS, 326 participated in the PMS, and 124 key informants participated in the HPS. Abortion numbers, rates, ratios and unintended pregnancy rates were calculated for Kenya as a whole and for five geographical regions. In 2012, an estimated 464,000 induced abortions occurred in Kenya. This translates into an abortion rate of 48 per 1,000 women aged 15-49, and an abortion ratio of 30 per 100 live births. About 120,000 women received care for complications of induced abortion in health facilities. About half (49%) of all pregnancies in Kenya were unintended and 41% of unintended pregnancies ended in an abortion. This study provides the first nationally-representative estimates of the incidence of induced abortion in Kenya. An urgent need exists for improving facilities' capacity to provide safe abortion care to the fullest extent of the law. All efforts should be made to address underlying factors to reduce risk of unsafe abortion.
Aniteye, Patience; O'Brien, Beverley; Mayhew, Susannah H
Unsafe abortion is an issue of public health concern and contributes significantly to maternal morbidity and mortality globally. Abortion evokes religious, moral, ethical, socio-cultural and medical concerns which mean it is highly stigmatized and this poses a threat to both providers and researchers. This study sought to explore challenges to providing safe abortion services from the perspective of health providers in Ghana. A descriptive qualitative study using in-depth interviews was conducted. The study was conducted in three (3) hospitals and five (5) health centres in the capital city in Ghana. Participants (n = 36) consisted of obstetrician/gynaecologists, nurse-midwives and pharmacists. Stigma affects provision of safe-abortion services in Ghana in a number of ways. The ambiguities in Ghanaian abortion law and lack of overt institutional support for practitioners increased reluctance to openly provide for fear of stigmatisation and legal threat. Negative provider attitudes that stigmatised women seeking abortion care were frequently driven by socio-cultural and religious norms that highly stigmatise abortion practice. Exposure to higher levels of education, including training overseas, seemed to result in more positive, less stigmatising views towards the need for safe abortion services. Nevertheless, physicians open to practicing abortion were still very concerned about stigma by association. Stigma constitutes an overarching impediment for abortion service provision. It affects health providers providing such services and even researchers who study the subject. Exposure to wider debate and education seem to influence attitudes and values clarification training may prove useful. Proper dissemination of existing guidelines and overt institutional support for provision of safe services also needs to be rolled out.
Japanese attitude toward induced abortion with its historical background is examined. There is a record of induced abortion as early as the beginning of the 12th century. Abortion was practiced frequently as a means of family planning during Edo Period (1603-1867), especially among the poor. Shogunate and feudal lords were aware of the problem but generally acquiesced. Some Buddhist priest preached on the vice of abortion from a humanitarian point of view and suggested that each community should cooperate and regulate the practice. In 1842 Shogunate at last banned induced abortion in the capital, Edo, but left the rest of the country alone. Ironically this practice of voluntary abortion among the poor and the killing of newborns among peasants controlled the size of population of the nation throughout Edo Period, which saw 35 famines and undue taxation on peasants. In 1868 the new government of Meiji announced to have a tight control over midwives who performed abortion in most cases. In modernizing the nation the government advocated enlarged population under the slogan: rich nation with strong soldiers. This trend persisted till the end of World War II. Overpopulation and shortage of food after World War II with soldiers and people from lost colonies returning home prompted Japan to control her population and adopt a eugenic law. It was not until 1970's in the midst of women's liberation movement that Japanese women became aware of their own right to the reproductive aspect of their life. In comparison, in the United States Supreme Court decision in 1973 virtually legalized abortion and each state has responded to it differently. Prior to 1900 induced abortion was accepted as a means of birth control in the United States, and midwives had monopolized that area of medicine. Crusaders of anti-abortion from the turn of the century were not necessarily well publicized Catholics but "licensed" doctors who joined forces in their attempt to shut out midwives from
Married women under customary law in South Africa are perpetual minors; customary law marriages are not of equal status to civil law marriages; women are denied inheritance access to land and property and excluded from decision making in their homes and communities; and Muslim women do not have equal rights under Muslim personal law. As political and civil reforms loom on the horizon in South Africa, however, calls are being made for customary law to be included under the scrutiny of the Bill of Rights. Women under customary law would therefore be protected under an uniform Bill of Rights. Members of the Congress of Traditional Leaders are staunchly opposed to such a move. They argue instead that women under customary law should not be protected in the Bill of Rights. Customary law will therefore be insulated from legislative reform. This paper briefly presents segments of the ongoing debate between law academics, women's pressure groups, and religious and cultural bodies on the issue.
Parmar, Divya; Leone, Tiziana; Coast, Ernestina; Murray, Susan Fairley; Hukin, Eleanor; Vwalika, Bellington
Unsafe abortion is a significant but preventable cause of maternal mortality. Although induced abortion has been legal in Zambia since 1972, many women still face logistical, financial, social, and legal obstacles to access safe abortion services, and undergo unsafe abortion instead. This study provides the first estimates of costs of post abortion care (PAC) after an unsafe abortion and the cost of safe abortion in Zambia. In the absence of routinely collected data on abortions, we used multiple data sources: key informant interviews, medical records and hospital logbooks. We estimated the costs of providing safe abortion and PAC services at the University Teaching Hospital, Lusaka and then projected these costs to generate indicative cost estimates for Zambia. Due to unavailability of data on the actual number of safe abortions and PAC cases in Zambia, we used estimates from previous studies and from other similar countries, and checked the robustness of our estimates with sensitivity analyses. We found that PAC following an unsafe abortion can cost 2.5 times more than safe abortion care. The Zambian health system could save as much as US$0.4 million annually if those women currently treated for an unsafe abortion instead had a safe abortion.
..., Pregnancy, Child Placement, and Abortion § 551.23 Abortion. (a) The inmate has the responsibility to decide... the pregnancy to full term or to have an elective abortion. If an inmate chooses to have an abortion...
..., Pregnancy, Child Placement, and Abortion § 551.23 Abortion. (a) The inmate has the responsibility to decide... the pregnancy to full term or to have an elective abortion. If an inmate chooses to have an abortion...
..., Pregnancy, Child Placement, and Abortion § 551.23 Abortion. (a) The inmate has the responsibility to decide... the pregnancy to full term or to have an elective abortion. If an inmate chooses to have an abortion...
Che, Yan; Liu, Xiaoting; Zhang, Bin; Cheng, Linan
Abstract Oral contraceptives (OCs) following induced abortion offer a reliable method to avoid repeated abortion. However, limited data exist supporting the effective use of OCs postabortion. We conducted this systematic review and meta-analysis in the present study reported immediate administration of OCs or combined OCs postabortion may reduce vaginal bleeding time and amount, shorten the menstruation recovery period, increase endometrial thickness 2 to 3 weeks after abortion, and reduce the risk of complications and unintended pregnancies. A total of 8 major authorized Chinese and English databases were screened from January 1960 to November 2014. Randomized controlled trials in which patients had undergone medical or surgical abortions were included. Chinese studies that met the inclusion criteria were divided into 3 groups: administration of OC postmedical abortion (group I; n = 1712), administration of OC postsurgical abortion (group II; n = 8788), and administration of OC in combination with traditional Chinese medicine postsurgical abortion (group III; n = 19,707). In total, 119 of 6160 publications were included in this analysis. Significant difference was observed in group I for vaginal bleeding time (P = 0.0001), the amount of vaginal bleeding (P = 0.03), and menstruation recovery period (P < 0.00001) compared with the control groups. Group II demonstrated a significant difference in vaginal bleeding time (P < 0.00001), the amount of vaginal bleeding (P = 0.0002), menstruation recovery period (P < 0.00001), and endometrial thickness at 2 (P = 0.003) and 3 (P < 0.00001) weeks postabortion compared with the control group. Similarly, a significant difference was observed in group III for reducing vaginal bleeding time (P < 0.00001) and the amount of vaginal bleeding (P < 0.00001), shortening the menstruation recovery period (P < 0.00001), and increasing endometrial thickness 2 and 3 weeks after surgical abortion (P < 0
Loh, Wallace D.
Compares the impact of common law and reform rape legislation on prosecution based on analysis of 445 forcible and statutory rape cases in King County, Washington. Concludes that the impact of the statutory reform has been mainly symbolic and educative for society at large, rather than instrumental for law enforcement. (Author/MJL)
Olson, Rose McKeon; Kamurari, Solomon
A 15-year-old girl at 18 weeks gestation by the last menstrual period presented to a rural Ugandan healthcare facility for termination of her pregnancy as a result of rape by her uncle. Skilled healthcare workers at the facility refused to provide the abortion due to fear of legal repercussions. The patient subsequently obtained an unsafe abortion by vaginal insertion of local herbs and sharp objects. She developed profuse vaginal bleeding and haemorrhagic shock. She was found to have uterine rupture and emergent hysterectomy was performed. Young and poor women are at high risk of unplanned pregnancy and subsequent mortality during pregnancy and childbirth. Unsafe abortion is a leading and entirely preventable cause of maternal mortality worldwide. Multiple barriers restrict access to safe abortions including social and moral stigma, gender-based power imbalances, inadequate contraceptive use and sexual education, high cost and poor availability, and restrictive abortion laws. © BMJ Publishing Group Ltd (unless otherwise stated in the text of the article) 2017. All rights reserved. No commercial use is permitted unless otherwise expressly granted.
Pazol, Karen; Zane, Suzanne; Parker, Wilda Y; Hall, Laura R; Gamble, Sonya B; Hamdan, Saeed; Berg, Cynthia; Cook, Douglas A
Since 1969, CDC has conducted abortion surveillance to document the number and characteristics of women obtaining legal induced abortions in the United States. 2007. Each year, CDC requests abortion data from the central health agencies of 52 reporting areas (the 50 states, the District of Columbia, and New York City). This information is provided voluntarily. For 2007, data were received from 49 reporting areas. For the purpose of trend analysis, data were evaluated from the 45 areas that reported data every year during the preceding decade (1998-2007). Abortion rates (number of abortions per 1,000 women) and ratios (number of abortions per 1,000 live births) were calculated using census and natality data, respectively. A total of 827,609 abortions were reported to CDC for 2007. Among the 45 reporting areas that provided data every year during 1998-2007, a total of 810,582 abortions (97.9% of the total) were reported for 2007; the abortion rate was 16.0 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44 years, and the abortion ratio was 231 abortions per 1,000 live births. Compared with 2006, the total number and rate of reported abortions decreased 2%, and the abortion ratio decreased 3%. Reported abortion numbers, rates, and ratios were 6%, 7%, and 14% lower, respectively, in 2007 than in 1998. Women aged 20-29 years accounted for 56.9% of all abortions in 2007 and for the majority of abortions during the entire period of analysis (1998-2007). In 2007, women aged 20-29 years also had the highest abortion rates (29.4 abortions per 1,000 women aged 20-24 years and 21.4 abortions per 1,000 women aged 25-29 years). Adolescents aged 15-19 years accounted for 16.5% of all abortions in 2007 and had an abortion rate of 14.5 abortions per 1,000 adolescents aged 15-19 years; women aged ≥35 years accounted for a smaller percentage (12.0%) of abortions and had lower abortion rates (7.7 abortions per 1,000 women aged 35-39 years and 2.6 abortions per 1,000 women aged ≥40 years
Aghakhani, Nader; Cleary, Michelle; Zarei, Abbas; Lopez, Violeta
To explore attitudes to safe-induced abortion among pregnant women in Iran. In Islamic teachings, abortion is generally forbidden. However in specific circumstances, abortion may be permitted and currently, in Iran, the law allows termination of pregnancy only if three specialist physicians confirm that the pregnancy outcome may be harmful for the mother during pregnancy or after birth. Pilot, descriptive survey. A 15-item structured questionnaire focusing on attitudes to safe-induced abortion was developed and pilot tested. Participants were pregnant women who were referred to the Legal Medical Centre (July-December 2015) to obtain permission for abortion. On obtaining their informed consent, the women were asked to respond to each item if they agreed (Yes) or disagreed (No). Only their age, education, employment, marital status and religion were obtained. Of the 80 survey participants referred for a safe-induced abortion, 90% were carrying foetuses with a diagnosed congenital malformation and 10% were experiencing complications of pregnancy that endangered their health. The majority of women (85%) perceived abortion to be dangerous to health; 86% indicated that partners should be involved in decision-making about abortion, while 83% believed that public health officials should have complete control of abortion law. There is a need to improve women's and couples' awareness and practice of effective contraceptive methods. Further research is needed to better understand the complex issues that lead to unintended pregnancies and abortions considering religious beliefs and cultural and legal contexts. © 2017 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Hedayat, K M; Shooshtarizadeh, P; Raza, M
Abortion is forbidden under normal circumstances by nearly all the major world religions. Traditionally, abortion was not deemed permissible by Muslim scholars. Shiite scholars considered it forbidden after implantation of the fertilised ovum. However, Sunni scholars have held various opinions on the matter, but all agreed that after 4 months gestation abortion was not permitted. In addition, classical Islamic scholarship had only considered threats to maternal health as a reason for therapeutic abortion. Recently, scholars have begun to consider the effect of severe fetal deformities on the mother, the families and society. This has led some scholars to reconsider the prohibition on abortion in limited circumstances. This article reviews the Islamic basis for the prohibition of abortion and the reasons for its justification. Contemporary rulings from leading Shiite scholars and from the Sunni school of thought are presented and reviewed. The status of abortion in Muslim countries is reviewed, with special emphasis on the therapeutic abortion law passed by the Iranian Parliament in 2003. This law approved therapeutic abortion before 16 weeks of gestation under limited circumstances, including medical conditions related to fetal and maternal health. Recent measures in Iran provide an opportunity for the Muslim scholars in other countries to review their traditional stance on abortion. PMID:17074823
Hedayat, K M; Shooshtarizadeh, P; Raza, M
Abortion is forbidden under normal circumstances by nearly all the major world religions. Traditionally, abortion was not deemed permissible by Muslim scholars. Shiite scholars considered it forbidden after implantation of the fertilised ovum. However, Sunni scholars have held various opinions on the matter, but all agreed that after 4 months gestation abortion was not permitted. In addition, classical Islamic scholarship had only considered threats to maternal health as a reason for therapeutic abortion. Recently, scholars have begun to consider the effect of severe fetal deformities on the mother, the families and society. This has led some scholars to reconsider the prohibition on abortion in limited circumstances. This article reviews the Islamic basis for the prohibition of abortion and the reasons for its justification. Contemporary rulings from leading Shiite scholars and from the Sunni school of thought are presented and reviewed. The status of abortion in Muslim countries is reviewed, with special emphasis on the therapeutic abortion law passed by the Iranian Parliament in 2003. This law approved therapeutic abortion before 16 weeks of gestation under limited circumstances, including medical conditions related to fetal and maternal health. Recent measures in Iran provide an opportunity for the Muslim scholars in other countries to review their traditional stance on abortion.
Jørgensen, Hilde; Qvigstad, Erik; Jerve, Fridtjof; Melseth, Eldbjørg; Eskild, Anne; Nielsen, Christopher S
Medically induced abortion through week 9 is a well established procedure. The article concerns satisfaction among women who choose to do this at home, and possible associations between satisfaction, socio-demographic--and clinical factors. 110 women with pregnancy duration < 7 weeks, who wished to medically terminate the pregnancy at home and presented themselves at Ullevaal University Hospital, were included in the study. The woman's satisfaction with the procedure was the main variable, but anxiety and pain were also recorded. Data were retrieved from hospital journals and questionnaires filled in before and 1 and 3 weeks after the abortion. The degree of satisfaction was recorded on a scale from 1 to 10, where 1 was not content and 10 was very content. Follow-up data were available for 105 women. 90 of 105 women were very content (> 7 on the satisfaction scale) with the treatment. Discomfort and pain during the abortion and marital status seemed to influence the results. The degree of pain varied much. No serious complications were observed. The study showed a high degree of satisfaction with medically induced abortion at home early in the pregnancy. The study has a relatively small sample size and no control group, so the results on factors affecting satisfaction are uncertain. Medical abortion at home should be an opportunity for women applying for early pregnancy termination; as long as the women are well informed, are offered sufficient pain relief and a well functioning follow-up programme.
Droegemueller, W; Taylor, E S
Colorado was the first state in the U.S. to legalize therapeutic abortion in April 1967 on grounds of fetal indications, rape, incest, medical and psychiatric illness. The authors review 41 cases performed at the University of Colorado Medical Center during 1967-68, and 73 cases during 1968-69. The major indication for abortion was psychiatric illness (44% in 1967-68 and 49% in 1968-69); followed by rape (34% in 1967-68, 26% in 1968-69); fetal indications (12% in 1967-68, 22% in 1968-69); and medical problems (10% in 1967-68, 3% 1968-69). The authors categorized and analyzed and fetal and medical indications by their preventability. It was concluded that most could have been prevented by proper contraceptive advice and practice. Of 21 abortions for fetal indications, 71% were clearly preventable, and 5 out of 6 abortions performed for medical reasons were for patients with chronic illnesses. Patients such as these with chronic medical illness, and others with significant genetic risks, should be encouraged to use oral contraceptives or to undergo sterilizations, for the failure rate for mechanical contraceptives is found to be unacceptably high. Considering the psychological impact of abortion on the patient and the morbidity and expense involved, it is a poor substitute for the birth control.
Kummer, J M
In 1967 California adopted updated therapeutic abortion laws which were more liberal than previous laws but which did not allow abortion for fetal indications nor for minor psychiatric reasons. Between November 8, 1967, and September 30, 1968, there were 4291 applicants for abortion in California. 91% of these were approved and 88% performed. Of the applications, 86% were for mental health, 6% for physical health, and 9% for rape or incest. 63% of the abortions were performed in the 9 bay area counties around San Francisco although only 23% of the states births occur in that area. The author feels that these liberalized laws will help to lead to the eventual legalization of abortion in California.
Umaña, A O
Abortion is a social problem and criminal sanctions are very ineffective in limiting it and are seldom applied (133 legal actions vs. 65,600 cases of induced abortion in 1965). Abortion is a social disease, as are prostitution, juvenile delinquency, drug abuse, and so far has been an insoluble problem. Colombian laws should be modified to reflect reality. Sex education must be emphasized, because ignorance is one of the main causes of abortion. Leniency should be applied toward women who cooperate with the authorities in identifying the person who performed an abortion. Legalization of abortion and enforcement of strict laws against it are considered as possible solutions, but both are rejected. The former is regarded as morally unacceptable and as imposing an excessive burden on scarce health services, the latter as even worse, imposing an equivalent burden on the court system, without s olving either health or social problems. The best and probably only solution is to improve education in family planning, to promote knowledge and motivation to enable the population to make sound and responsible decisions.
The debate over abortion is still controversial as ever. As one of every four people in the world is of the Muslim religion, it is important to learn more about the Islamic point of view toward this dilemma in medical ethics. The first part of this paper gives a general view of the sources of Islamic law and discusses modern developments in Islamic medical ethics regarding abortion. The second part focuses on the legal aspects of abortion in different Islamic states, dealing with the need to supply solutions to women who for different reasons wish to abort and at the same time enact laws that would not contradict Islamic principles. A study of three Muslim states (Egypt, Kuwait and Tunisia) demonstrates three different approaches toward legalizing abortion--a conservative approach, a more lenient approach, and a liberal one--all within Islamic oriented states. This leads to a conclusion that a more liberal attitude regarding abortion is possible in Islamic states, as long as traditional principles are taken into account.
Coast, Ernestina; Murray, Susan F
Unsafe abortion is a significant but preventable cause of global maternal mortality and morbidity. Zambia has among the most liberal abortion laws in sub-Saharan Africa, however this alone does not guarantee access to safe abortion, and 30% of maternal mortality is attributable to unsafe procedures. Too little is known about the pathways women take to reach abortion services in such resource-poor settings, or what informs care-seeking behaviours, barriers and delays. In-depth qualitative interviews were conducted in 2013 with 112 women who accessed abortion-related care in a Lusaka tertiary government hospital at some point in their pathway. The sample included women seeking safe abortion and also those receiving hospital care following unsafe abortion. We identified a typology of three care-seeking trajectories that ended in the use of hospital services: clinical abortion induced in hospital; clinical abortion initiated elsewhere, with post-abortion care in hospital; and non-clinical abortion initiated elsewhere, with post-abortion care in hospital. Framework analyses of 70 transcripts showed that trajectories to a termination of an unwanted pregnancy can be complex and iterative. Individuals may navigate private and public formal healthcare systems and consult unqualified providers, often trying multiple strategies. We found four major influences on which trajectory a woman followed, as well as the complexity and timing of her trajectory: i) the advice of trusted others ii) perceptions of risk iii) delays in care-seeking and receipt of services and iv) economic cost. Even though abortion is legal in Zambia, girls and women still take significant risks to terminate unwanted pregnancies. Levels of awareness about the legality of abortion and its provision remain low even in urban Zambia, especially among adolescents. Unofficial payments required by some providers can be a major barrier to safe care. Timely access to safe abortion services depends on chance rather
Singh, Kaushalendra K.; Li, Qingfeng; Fruhauf, Timothee; Tsui, Amy O.
Background The Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Act of 1971 liberalized abortion laws in India. This study examines changes in abortion service provision and characteristics of abortion providers in Bihar and Jharkhand states, India between 2004 and 2013. Methods We used state-representative data from cross-sectional surveys of reproductive health service providers we conducted in 2004 (N = 1,323) and 2012/2013 (N = 1,020). We employed chi-squared tests to examine and compare abortion providers’ characteristics, and fitted separate multivariate logistic regression models for provision of surgical, medical, and any abortion services, respectively, adjusting for potential confounders to identify factors associated with abortion service provision at the two survey time points. Results Of providers interviewed in 2004 and 2012/2013, 63.7% and 84.5%, respectively, offered abortion services. Among abortion providers, 21.1% offered surgical and 10.7% offered medical abortions in 2004; 15.8% and 94.1% did so, respectively, in 2012/2013. Private providers were more likely than public providers to offer abortion services at both time points. Compared to female providers, male providers were significantly less likely to provide both surgical and medical abortions in 2004, and significantly less likely to provide surgical abortions in 2012/2013. Pharmacists and community health workers played increasingly important roles in abortion service provision, especially medical abortion, during the period. Conclusion This study documents important changes in abortion provision in the two Indian states during 2004–2013. PMID:29879132
Yanikkerem, Emre; Üstgörül, Sema; Karakus, Asli; Baydar, Ozge; Esmeray, Nicole; Ertem, Gül
To evaluate Turkish nursing students' attitudes towards voluntary induced abortion.. This cross-sectional study was conducted between January and June 2015, comprising students of Ege University Nursing Faculty and Celal Bayar University School of Health, located in two different cities of Turkey. Data was collected with a three-part questionnaire, focussing on students' characteristics, the knowledge of abortion law in Turkey and attitudes towards voluntary induced abortion. SPSS 15 was used for data analysis.. The mean score of students' attitude towards voluntary induced abortion was 39.8±7.9 which shows that nursing students moderately support abortion. Female students, students coming from upper class in society, and students who had higher family income and sexual experiences had more supportiveness attitudes towards voluntary induced abortion (p<0.05). Those who lived in a village before university life, who had extended family, and students of parents with low educational level, had lower score in this regard (p<0.05). Nursing students should be encouraged to behave non-judgmentally to women who want to have abortion.
Andersen, Kathryn L; Khanal, Ram Chandra; Teixeira, Alexandra; Neupane, Shailes; Sharma, Sharad; Acre, Valerie N; Gallo, Maria F
Despite liberalization of the Nepal abortion law, young women continue to experience barriers to safe abortion services. We hypothesize that marital status may differentially impact such barriers, given the societal context of Nepal. We evaluated differences in reproductive knowledge and attitudes by marital status with a probability-based, cross-sectional survey of young women in Rupandehi district, Nepal. Participants (N = 600) were surveyed in 2012 on demographics, romantic experiences, media habits, reproductive information, and abortion knowledge and attitudes. We used logistic regression to assess differences by marital status, controlling for age. Participants, who comprised never-married (54%) and ever-married women (45%), reported good access to basic reproductive health and abortion information. Social desirability bias might have prevented reporting of premarital romantic and sexual activity given that participants reported more premarital activities for their friends than for themselves. Only 45% knew that abortion was legal, and fewer ever-married women were aware of abortion legality. Never-married women expected more negative responses from having an abortion than ever-married women. Findings highlight the need for providing sexual and reproductive health care information and services to young women regardless of marital status.
In this article we address the issue, with a tentative empirical application to the Italian data, of the relationship, very debated mainly in north America, between abortion legalization and reduction of crime rates of youth. The rationale of this relationship is that there is a causal factor at work: the more unwanted pregnancies aborted, the less unwanted children breeding their criminal attitude in an hostile/deprived family environment. Many methodological and empirical criticisms have been raised against the proof of the existence of such a relationship: our attempt to test if this link is valid for Italy cannot endorse its existence. The data we used made necessary some assumptions and the reliability of official estimates of crime rates was debatable (probably downward biased). We conclude that, at least for Italy, the suggested relationship is unproven: other reasons for the need of legal abortion have been and should be put forward.
Fetters, Tamara; Samandari, Ghazaleh; Djemo, Patrick; Vwallika, Bellington; Mupeta, Stephen
Although abortion is technically legal in Zambia, the reality is far more complicated. This study describes the process and results of galvanizing access to medical abortion where abortion has been legal for many years, but provision severely limited. It highlights the challenges and successes of scaling up abortion care using implementation science to document 2 years of implementation. An intervention between the Ministry of Health, University Teaching Hospital and the international organization Ipas, was established to introduce medical abortion and to address the lack of understanding and implementation of the country's abortion law. An implementation science model was used to evaluate effectiveness and glean lessons for other countries about bringing safe and legal abortion services to scale. The intervention involved the provision of Comprehensive Abortion Care services in 28 public health facilities in Zambia for a 2 year period, August 2009 to September 2011. The study focused on three main areas: building health worker capacity in public facilities and introducing medical abortion, working with pharmacists to provide improved information on medical abortion, and community engagement and mobilization to increase knowledge of abortion services and rights through stronger health system and community partnerships. After 2 years, 25 of 28 sites provided abortion services, caring for more than 13,000 women during the intervention. For the first time, abortion was decentralized, 19% of all abortion care was performed in health centers. At the end of the intervention, all providing facilities had managers supportive of continuing legal abortion services. When asked about the impact of medical abortion provision, a number of providers reported that medical abortion improved their ability to provide affordable safe abortion. In neighboring pharmacies only 19% of mystery clients visiting them were offered misoprostol for purchase at baseline, this increased to 47
Gurpegui, Manuel; Jurado, Dolores
The psychiatric consequences of induced abortion continue to be the object of controversy. The reactions of women when they became aware of conception are very variable. Pregnancy, whether initially intended or unintended, may provoke stress; and miscarriage may bring about feelings of loss and grief reaction. Therefore, induced abortion, with its emotional implications (of relief, shame and guilt) not surprisingly is a stressful adverse life event. METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS: There is agreement among researchers on the need to compare the mental health outcomes (or the psychiatric complications) with appropriate groups, including women with unintended pregnancies ending in live births and women with miscarriages. There is also agreement on the need to control for the potential confounding effects of multiple variables: demographic, contextual, personal development, previous or current traumatic experiences, and mental health prior to the obstetric event. Any psychiatric outcome is multi-factorial in origin and the impact of life events depend on how they are perceived, the psychological defence mechanisms (unconscious to a great extent) and the coping style. The fact of voluntarily aborting has an undeniable ethical dimension in which facts and values are interwoven. No research study has found that induced abortion is associated with a better mental health outcome, although the results of some studies are interpreted as
Henderson, Edward M.; Nguyen, Tri X.
This paper documents some of the evolutionary steps in developing a rigorous Space Shuttle launch abort capability. The paper addresses the abort strategy during the design and development and how it evolved during Shuttle flight operations. The Space Shuttle Program made numerous adjustments in both the flight hardware and software as the knowledge of the actual flight environment grew. When failures occurred, corrections and improvements were made to avoid a reoccurrence and to provide added capability for crew survival. Finally some lessons learned are summarized for future human launch vehicle designers to consider.
Hayes, Peggy Sue
The purpose of NASA's Constellation project is to create the new generation of spacecraft for human flight to the International Space Station in low-earth orbit, the lunar surface, as well as for use in future deep-space exploration. One portion of the Constellation program was the development of the Orion crew exploration vehicle (CEV) to be used in spaceflight. The Orion spacecraft consists of a crew module, service module, space adapter and launch abort system. The crew module was designed to hold as many as six crew members. The Orion crew exploration vehicle is similar in design to the Apollo space capsules, although larger and more massive. The Flight Test Office is the responsible flight test organization for the launch abort system on the Orion crew exploration vehicle. The Flight Test Office originally proposed six tests that would demonstrate the use of the launch abort system. These flight tests were to be performed at the White Sands Missile Range in New Mexico and were similar in nature to the Apollo Little Joe II tests performed in the 1960s. The first flight test of the launch abort system was a pad abort (PA-1), that took place on 6 May 2010 at the White Sands Missile Range in New Mexico. Primary flight test objectives were to demonstrate the capability of the launch abort system to propel the crew module a safe distance away from a launch vehicle during a pad abort, to demonstrate the stability and control characteristics of the vehicle, and to determine the performance of the motors contained within the launch abort system. The focus of the PA-1 flight test was engineering development and data acquisition, not certification. In this presentation, a high level overview of the PA-1 vehicle is given, along with an overview of the Mobile Operations Facility and information on the White Sands tracking sites for radar & optics. Several lessons learned are presented, including detailed information on the lessons learned in the development of wind
Changes in homicide and arrest rates were compared among cohorts born before and after legalization of abortion and those who were unexposed to legalized abortion. It was found that legalized abortion improved the lives of many women as they could avoid unwanted births.
CONTEXT In 2005, Arkansas changed its parental notification requirement for minors seeking an abortion to a parental consent law, under which a minor can obtain an abortion without consent after obtaining a judicial waiver. METHODS Using state Department of Health data on 7,463 abortions among 15–19-year-olds over the period 2001–2007, an analysis of abortion and second-trimester abortion rates among Arkansas minors relative to rates among older teenagers evaluated the influence of the 2005 change in the law. Linear and logistic regression analyses estimated the changes in rates among different age-groups, and assessed the likelihood of minors’ using the bypass procedure or having a second-trimester abortion. RESULTS No association was found between the change in the law and either the abortion rate or the second-trimester abortion rate among minors in the state. Ten percent of all abortions among minors were obtained through the judicial bypass procedure, and minors aged 15 or younger who had an abortion were less likely than those aged 17 to get a waiver (odds ratio, 0.2). Minors who used the bypass option were less likely than those who obtained parental consent to have a second-trimester abortion (0.5), and they terminated the pregnancy 1.1 weeks earlier, on average, than did minors who had gotten such consent. CONCLUSIONS States that convert a parental notification statute to a parental consent statute are unlikely to experience a decrease in abortions among minors. PMID:20887286
In 2005, Arkansas changed its parental notification requirement for minors seeking an abortion to a parental consent law, under which a minor can obtain an abortion without consent after obtaining a judicial waiver. Using state health department data on 7,463 abortions among 15-19-year-olds over the period 2001-2007, an analysis of abortion and second-trimester abortion rates among Arkansas minors relative to rates among older teenagers evaluated the influence of the 2005 change in the law. Linear and logistic regression analyses estimated the changes in rates among different age-groups, and assessed the likelihood of minors' using the bypass procedure or having a second-trimester abortion. No association was found between the change in the law and either the abortion rate or the second-trimester abortion rate among minors in the state. Ten percent of all abortions among minors were obtained through the judicial bypass procedure, and minors aged 15 or younger who had an abortion were less likely than those aged 17 to get a waiver (odds ratio, 0.2). Minors who used the bypass option were less likely than those who obtained parental consent to have a second-trimester abortion (0.5), and they terminated the pregnancy 1.1 weeks earlier, on average, than did minors who had gotten such consent. States that convert a parental notification statute to a parental consent statute are unlikely to experience a decrease in abortions among minors. Copyright © 2010 by the Guttmacher Institute.
Dibaba, Yohannes; Dijkerman, Sally; Fetters, Tamara; Moore, Ann; Gebreselassie, Hailemichael; Gebrehiwot, Yirgu; Benson, Janie
Ethiopia has one of the highest maternal mortality ratios in the world (420 per 100,000 live births in 2013), and unsafe abortion continues to be one of the major causes. To reduce deaths and disabilities from unsafe abortion, Ethiopia liberalized its abortion law in 2005 to allow safe abortion under certain conditions. This study aimed to measure how availability and utilization of safe abortion services has changed in the last decade in Ethiopia. This paper draws on results from nationally representative health facility studies conducted in Ethiopia in 2008 and 2014. The data come from three sources at two points in time: 1) interviews with 335 health providers in 2008 and 822 health care providers in 2014, 2) review of facility logbooks, and 3) prospective data on 3092 women in 2008 and 5604 women in 2014 seeking treatment for abortion complications or induced abortion over a one month period. The Safe Abortion Care Model was used as a framework of analysis. There has been a rapid expansion of health facilities eligible to provide legal abortion services in Ethiopia since 2008. Between 2008 and 2014, the number of facilities reporting basic and comprehensive signal functions for abortion care increased. In 2014, access to basic abortion care services exceeded the recommended level of available facilities providing the service, increasing from 25 to 117%, with more than half of regions meeting the recommended level. Comprehensive abortion services increased from 20% of the recommended level in 2008 to 38% in 2014. Smaller regions and city administrations achieved or exceeded the recommended level of comprehensive service facilities, yet larger regions fall short. Between 2008 and 2014, the use of appropriate technology for conducting first and second trimester abortion and the provision of post abortion family planning has increased at the same time that abortion-related obstetric complications have decreased. Ten years after the change in abortion law, service
O'Neil, Mary Lou
Abortion in Turkey has been legal since 1983 and remains so today. Despite this, in 2012 the Prime Minister declared that, in his opinion, abortion was murder. Since then, there has been growing evidence that abortion access particularly in state hospitals is being restricted, although no new legislation has been offered. The study aimed to determine the number of state hospitals in Turkey that provide abortions. The study employed a telephone survey in 2015-2016 where 431 state hospitals were contacted and asked a set of questions by a mystery patient. If possible, information was obtained directly from the obstetrics/gynecology department. I removed specialist hospitals from the data set and the remaining data were analyzed for frequency and cross-tabulations were performed. Only 7.8% of state hospitals provide abortion services without regard to reason which is provided for by the current law, while 78% provide abortions when there is a medical necessity. Of the 58 teaching and research hospitals in Turkey, 9 (15.5%) provide abortion care without restriction to reason, 38 (65.5%) will do the procedure if there is a medical necessity and 11 (11.4%) of these hospitals refuse to provide abortion services under any circumstances. There are two regions, encompassing 1.5 million women of childbearing age, where no state hospital provides for abortion without restriction as to reason. The vast majority of state hospitals only provide abortions in the narrow context of a medical necessity, and thus are not implementing the law to its full extent. It is clear that although no new legislation restricting abortion has been enacted, state hospitals are reducing the provision of abortion services without restriction as to reason. This is the only nationwide study to focus on abortion provision at state hospitals. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Jatlaoui, Tara C; Shah, Jill; Mandel, Michele G; Krashin, Jamie W; Suchdev, Danielle B; Jamieson, Denise J; Pazol, Karen
Since 1969, CDC has conducted abortion surveillance to document the number and characteristics of women obtaining legal induced abortions in the United States. 2014. Each year, CDC requests abortion data from the central health agencies of 52 reporting areas (the 50 states, the District of Columbia, and New York City). The reporting areas provide this information voluntarily. For 2014, data were received from 49 reporting areas. For trend analysis, abortion data were evaluated from 48 areas that reported data every year during 2005-2014. Census and natality data, respectively, were used to calculate abortion rates (number of abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44 years) and ratios (number of abortions per 1,000 live births). A total of 652,639 abortions were reported to CDC for 2014. Of these abortions, 98.4% were from the 48 reporting areas that provided data every year during 2005-2014. Among these 48 reporting areas, the abortion rate for 2014 was 12.1 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44 years, and the abortion ratio was 186 abortions per 1,000 live births. From 2013 to 2014, the total number and rate of reported abortions decreased 2%, and the ratio decreased 7%. From 2005 to 2014, the total number, rate, and ratio of reported abortions decreased 21%, 22%, and 21%, respectively. In 2014, all three measures reached their lowest level for the entire period of analysis (2005-2014). In 2014 and throughout the period of analysis, women in their 20s accounted for the majority of abortions and had the highest abortion rates; women in their 30s and older accounted for a much smaller percentage of abortions and had lower abortion rates. In 2014, women aged 20-24 and 25-29 years accounted for 32.2% and 26.7% of all reported abortions, respectively, and had abortion rates of 21.3 and 18.4 abortions per 1,000 women aged 20-24 and 25-29 years, respectively. In contrast, women aged 30-34, 35-39, and ≥40 years accounted for 17.1%, 9.7%, and 3.6% of all reported abortions
Biggs, M. Antonia; Ralph, Lauren; Gerdts, Caitlin; Roberts, Sarah; Glymour, M. Maria
Objectives. To determine the socioeconomic consequences of receipt versus denial of abortion. Methods. Women who presented for abortion just before or after the gestational age limit of 30 abortion facilities across the United States between 2008 and 2010 were recruited and followed for 5 years via semiannual telephone interviews. Using mixed effects models, we evaluated socioeconomic outcomes for 813 women by receipt or denial of abortion care. Results. In analyses that adjusted for the few baseline differences, women denied abortions who gave birth had higher odds of poverty 6 months after denial (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 3.77; P < .001) than did women who received abortions; women denied abortions were also more likely to be in poverty for 4 years after denial of abortion. Six months after denial of abortion, women were less likely to be employed full time (AOR = 0.37; P = .001) and were more likely to receive public assistance (AOR = 6.26; P < .001) than were women who obtained abortions, differences that remained significant for 4 years. Conclusions. Women denied an abortion were more likely than were women who received an abortion to experience economic hardship and insecurity lasting years. Laws that restrict access to abortion may result in worsened economic outcomes for women. PMID:29345993
Foster, Diana Greene; Kimport, Katrina; Gould, Heather; Roberts, Sarah C M; Weitz, Tracy A
Little is known about women's experiences with and reactions to protesters and how protesters affect women's emotional responses to abortion. We interviewed 956 women seeking abortion between 2008 and 2010 at 30 U.S. abortion care facilities and informants from 27 of these facilities. Most facilities reported a regular protester presence; one third identified protesters as aggressive towards patients. Nearly half (46%) of women interviewed saw protesters; of those, 25% reported being "a little" upset, and 16% reported being "quite a lot" or "extremely" upset. Women who had difficulty deciding to abort had higher odds of reporting being upset by protesters. In multivariable models, exposure to protesters was not associated with differences in emotions 1 week after the abortion. Protesters do upset some women seeking abortion services. However, exposure to protesters does not seem to have an effect on women's emotions about the abortion 1 week later. Copyright © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Jones, Emma L; Pemberton, Neil
This article addresses the social, cultural, and political history of backstreet abortion in post-war Britain, focusing on the murders of Beryl Evans and her daughter Geraldine, at Ten Rillington Place in 1949. It shows how the commonplace connection of John Christie to abortion and Beryl Evan's death was not a given in the wider public, legal, political, and forensic imagination of the time, reflecting the multi-layered and shifting meanings of abortion from the date of the original trials in the late 1940s and 1950s, through the subsequent judicial and literary reinvestigations of the case in the 1960s, to its cinematic interpretation in the 1970s. Exploring the language of abortion used in these different contexts, the article reveals changes in the gendering of abortionists, the increasing power and presence of abortion activists and other social reformers, the changing representation of working-class women and men, and the increasing critique of the practice of backstreet abortion. The case is also made for a kind of societal blind spot on abortion at the time of both the Evans and Christie trials; in particular, a reluctance to come to terms with the concept of the male abortionist, which distorted the criminal investigations and the trials themselves. Only when public acceptance for legalizing abortion grew in the more liberal climate of the 1960s and beyond did a revisionist understanding of the murder of Beryl Evans, in which abortion came to be positioned as a central element, gain a sustained hearing.
A study was conducted at the Women's Hospital in Mexico City, Mexico, to understand the reasons why women resort to induced abortion. Another objective was to assess the opinions of health personnel that provide care for abortion complications. A sample of 300 women hospitalized for abortion complications were interviewed as well as 120 physicians, nurses, social workers, and family planning staff. Abortion complications represented close to 20% of the yearly maternity ward admissions at the hospital. A total of 28% of the women studied were under 20 years of age, 60% had only some primary schooling or less, and 68% were single or living in common-law unions. 46% had never used a method of contraception, yet 70% did not want to become pregnant. Some women decided to abort for economic reasons in order to be able to provide adequately for the children they already had; others reported that they could not have the child because they were not married. The methods used for inducing abortion included injections and falling from heights or down a flight of stairs. The study found that for most women the decision to abort entailed anguish, fear, and a painful journey to the hospital to seek help when complications became serious. Men were not reported to be involved in this process. The results have been presented to the Director-General of Maternal and Child Health Care of the Ministry of Health of Mexico, who has used them to seek improvements in the service conditions in public hospitals. The authorities at the Women's Hospital have also agreed to take steps to improve the general quality of service. Another important aspect is that the issue of abortion is being studied as a reproductive health problem, particularly in Mexico where abortion is illegal.
Guttmacher, Alan F.; And Others
A roundtable discussion on legal abortion includes Dr. Alan F. Guttmacher, President of The Planned Parenthood Federation of America, Robert Hall, Associate Professor of Obstetrics and Gynecology at Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons, Christopher Tietze, a diretor of The Population Council, and Harriet Pilpel, a lawyer.…
Shifting laws and regulations increasingly displace the centrality of women's health concerns in the provision of abortion services. This is exemplified by the growing presence of deceptive Crisis Pregnancy Centers alongside new informed consent laws designed to dissuade women from seeking abortions. Litigation on informed consent is further complicated in the clinical context due to the increased mobilization of facts - such as the gestational age or sonogram of the fetus - delivered with the intent to dissuade women from accessing abortion. In other words, factual information utilized for ideological purpose. To preserve a woman's autonomy and decision-making capacity, there must be a concerted effort on the part of legislators and courts to place a woman's health at the center of abortion law and policy. © 2015 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Inc.
Boundary work refers to the strategies deployed by professionals in the arenas of the public, the law and the workplace to define and defend jurisdictional authority. Little attention has been directed to the role of documents in negotiating professional claims. While boundary work over induced abortion has been extensively documented, few studies have examined jurisdictional disputes over the treatment of abortion complications, or post-abortion care (PAC). This study explores how medical providers deploy medical records in boundary work over the treatment of complications of spontaneous and induced abortion in Senegal, where induced abortion is prohibited under any circumstance. Findings are based on an institutional ethnography of Senegal's national PAC program over a period of 13 months between 2010 and 2011. Data collection methods included in-depth interviews with 36 health care professionals, observation of PAC services at three hospitals, a review of abortion records at each hospital, and a case review of illegal abortions prosecuted by the state. Findings show that health providers produce a particular account of the type of abortion treated through a series of practices such as the patient interview and the clinical exam. Providers obscure induced abortion in medical documents in three ways: the use of terminology that does not differentiate between induced and spontaneous abortion in PAC registers, the omission of data on the type of abortion altogether in PAC registers, and reporting the total number but not the type of abortions treated in hospital data transmitted to state health authorities. The obscuration of suspected induced abortion in the record permits providers to circumvent police inquiry at the hospital. PAC has been implemented in approximately 50 countries worldwide. This study demonstrates the need for additional research on how medical professionals negotiate conflicting medical and legal obligations in the daily practice of treating
Zurbriggen, Ruth; Keefe-Oates, Brianna; Gerdts, Caitlin
Legal restrictions on abortion access impact the safety and timing of abortion. Women affected by these laws face barriers to safe care that often result in abortion being delayed. Second-trimester abortion affects vulnerable groups of women disproportionately and is often more difficult to access. In Argentina, where abortion is legally restricted except in cases of rape or threat to the health of the woman, the Socorristas en Red, a feminist network, offers a model of accompaniment wherein they provide information and support to women seeking second-trimester abortions. This qualitative analysis aimed to understand Socorristas' experiences supporting women who have second-trimester medication abortion outside the formal health care system. We conducted 2 focus groups with 16 Socorristas in total to understand experiences accompanying women having second-trimester medication abortion who were at 14-24 weeks' gestational age. We performed a thematic analysis of the data and present key themes in this article. The Socorristas strived to ensure that women had the power of choice in every step of their abortion. These cases required more attention and logistical, legal and medical risks than first-trimester care. The Socorristas learned how to help women manage the possibility of these risks and were comfortable providing this support. They understood their work as activism through which they aim to destigmatize abortion and advocate against patriarchal systems denying the right to abortion. Socorrista groups have shown that they can provide supportive, women-centered accompaniment during second-trimester medication abortions outside the formal health care system in a setting where abortion access is legally restricted. Second-trimester self-use of medication abortion outside of the formal health system supported by feminist activist groups could provide an alternative model for second-trimester care worldwide. More research is needed to document the safety and
Boundary work refers to the strategies deployed by professionals in the arenas of the public, the law and the workplace to define and defend jurisdictional authority. Little attention has been directed to the role of documents in negotiating professional claims. While boundary work over induced abortion has been extensively documented, few studies have examined jurisdictional disputes over the treatment of abortion complications, or post-abortion care (PAC). This study explores how medical providers deploy medical records in boundary work over the treatment of complications of spontaneous and induced abortion in Senegal, where induced abortion is prohibited under any circumstance. Findings are based on an institutional ethnography of Senegal’s national PAC program over a period of 13 months between 2010 and 2011. Data collection methods included in-depth interviews with 36 health care professionals, observation of PAC services at three hospitals, a review of abortion records at each hospital, and a case review of illegal abortions prosecuted by the state. Findings show that health providers produce a particular account of the type of abortion treated through a series of practices such as the patient interview and the clinical exam. Providers obscure induced abortion in medical documents in three ways: the use of terminology that does not differentiate between induced and spontaneous abortion in PAC registers, the omission of data on the type of abortion altogether in PAC registers, and reporting the total number but not the type of abortions treated in hospital data transmitted to state health authorities. The obscuration of suspected induced abortion in the record permits providers to circumvent police inquiry at the hospital. PAC has been implemented in nearly 50 countries worldwide. This study demonstrates the need for additional research on how medical professionals negotiate conflicting medical and legal obligations in the daily practice of treating abortion
MacFarlane, Katrina A; O'Neil, Mary Lou; Tekdemir, Deniz; Çetin, Elvin; Bilgen, Barış; Foster, Angel M
Turkey has maintained liberal contraception and abortion policies since the 1980s. In 2012, the government proposed to restrict abortion; a bill limiting abortion was later drafted but never passed into law. Since the proposed restriction, women have reported difficulty accessing abortion services across Turkey. We aimed to better understand the current availability of abortion and reproductive health services in Istanbul and explore whether access to services has changed since 2012. In 2015, we completed 14 in-depth interviews with women and 11 semi-structured interviews with key informants. We transcribed all interviews and completed content and thematic analyses of the data. Key informants had good knowledge about the political discourse and the current abortion law. In contrast, women were familiar with the political discourse but had mixed information about the current status of abortion and were unsure about the legality of their own abortions. There was consensus that access to services has become more limited in the last five years due to the political climate, thus advocacy to prioritize reproductive health services, and abortion care in particular, in the public health system are needed. Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Before elective abortion was legalized nationally in 1973 with the U.S. Supreme Court decision Roe v. Wade, seventeen states and the District of Columbia liberalized their abortion statutes. While scholars have examined the history of physicians who had performed abortions before and after it was legal and of feminists' work to expand the range of healthcare choices available to women, we know relatively little about nurses' work with abortion. By focusing on the history of nursing in those states that liberalized their abortion laws before Roe, this article reveals how women who sought greater control over their lives by choosing abortion encountered medical professionals who were only just beginning to question the gendered conventions that framed labor roles in American hospitals. Nurses, whose workloads increased exponentially when abortion laws were liberalized, were rarely given sufficient training to care for abortion patients. Many nurses directed their frustrations to the women patients who sought the procedure. This essay considers how the expansion of women's right to abortion prompted nurses to question the gendered conventions that had shaped their work experiences.
Oppong-Darko, Prince; Amponsa-Achiano, Kwame; Darj, Elisabeth
Unsafe abortion is a major preventable public health problem and contributes to high mortality among women. Ghana has ratified international conventions to prevent unwanted pregnancies and provide safe abortion services, legally authorizing midwives to provide induced abortion services in certain circumstances. The aim of the study was to understand midwives' readiness to be involved in legal induced abortions, should the law become less restricted in Ghana. A qualitative study design, with a topic guide for individual in-depth interviews of selected midwives, was adopted. The interviews were tape-recorded and analyzed using content analysis. Participants emphasized their willingness to reduce maternal mortalities, their experiences of maternal deaths, and their passion for the health of pregnant women. Knowledge of Ghana's abortion law was generally low. Different views were expressed regarding readiness to engage in abortion services. Some expressed it as being sinful and against their religion to assist in abortion care, whilst others felt it was good to save the lives of women. The midwives made it clear that unsafe abortions are common, stigmatizing and contributing to maternal mortality, issues that must be addressed. They made various suggestions to reduce this preventable tragedy.
Dennis, Amanda; Manski, Ruth; Blanchard, Kelly
At a time when most states are working to restrict abortion, Massachusetts stands out as one of the few states with multiple state-level policies in place that support abortion access for low-income women. In 2006, Massachusetts passed health care reform, which resulted in almost all residents having insurance. Also, almost all state-level public and subsidized insurance programs cover abortion and there are fewer restrictions on abortion in Massachusetts compared with other states. We explored low-income women's experiences accessing abortion in Massachusetts through 27 in-depth telephone interviews with a racially diverse sample of low-income women who obtained abortions. Interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed, coded, and analyzed thematically. Most women described having access to timely, conveniently located, affordable, and highly acceptable abortion care. However, a sizable minority of women had difficulty enrolling in or staying on insurance, making abortion expensive. A small minority of women said their abortion care could be improved by increasing emotional support and privacy, and decreasing appointment times. Some limited data also suggest that young women and immigrant women face specific barriers to care. This study provides important, novel information about the need for state-level policies that support access to health insurance and comprehensive abortion coverage. Such policies, along with a well-functioning health care environment, help to ensure that low-income women have access to abortion. However, not all abortion access challenges have been resolved in Massachusetts. More work is needed to ensure that all women can access affordable, confidential care that is responsive to their specific needs and preferences. Copyright © 2015 Jacobs Institute of Women's Health. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Pazol, Karen; Creanga, Andreea A; Burley, Kim D; Hayes, Brenda; Jamieson, Denise J
Since 1969, CDC has conducted abortion surveillance to document the number and characteristics of women obtaining legal induced abortions in the United States. 2010. Each year, CDC requests abortion data from the central health agencies of 52 reporting areas (the 50 states, the District of Columbia, and New York City). The reporting areas provide this information voluntarily. For 2010, data were received from 49 reporting areas. For the purpose of trend analysis, abortion data were evaluated from the 46 areas that reported data every year during 2001-2010. Census and natality data, respectively, were used to calculate abortion rates (number of abortions per 1,000 women) and ratios (number of abortions per 1,000 live births). A total of 765,651 abortions were reported to CDC for 2010. Of these abortions, 753,065 (98.4%) were from the 46 reporting areas that provided data every year during 2001-2010. Among these same 46 reporting areas, the abortion rate for 2010 was 14.6 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44 years, and the abortion ratio was 228 abortions per 1,000 live births. Compared with 2009, the total number and rate of reported abortions for 2010 decreased 3% and reached the lowest levels for the entire period of analysis (2001-2010); the abortion ratio was stable, changing only 0.4%. From 2001 to 2010, the total number, rate, and ratio of reported abortions decreased 9%, 10%, and 8%, respectively. Given the 3% decrease from 2009 to 2010 in the total number and rate of reported abortions, in combination with the 5% decrease that had occurred in the previous year from 2008 to 2009, the overall decrease for both measures was greater during 2006-2010 than during 2001-2005, despite the annual variations that resulted in no net decrease during 2006-2008. In 2010 and throughout the period of analysis, women in their 20s accounted for the majority of abortions and had the highest abortion rates, whereas women in their 30s and older accounted for a much smaller
Morgan, Lynn M
The Dublin Declaration on Maternal Healthcare-issued by self-declared pro-life activists in Ireland in 2012-states unequivocally that abortion is never medically necessary, even to save the life of a pregnant woman. This article examines the influence of the Dublin Declaration on abortion politics in Latin America, especially El Salvador and Chile, where it has recently been used in pro-life organizing to cast doubt on the notion that legalizing abortion will reduce maternal mortality. Its framers argue that legalizing abortion will not improve maternal mortality rates, but reproductive rights advocates respond that the Dublin Declaration is junk science designed to preserve the world's most restrictive abortion laws. Analyzing the strategy and impact of the Dublin Declaration brings to light one of the tactics used in anti-abortion organizing.
Abstract The Dublin Declaration on Maternal Healthcare—issued by self-declared pro-life activists in Ireland in 2012—states unequivocally that abortion is never medically necessary, even to save the life of a pregnant woman. This article examines the influence of the Dublin Declaration on abortion politics in Latin America, especially El Salvador and Chile, where it has recently been used in pro-life organizing to cast doubt on the notion that legalizing abortion will reduce maternal mortality. Its framers argue that legalizing abortion will not improve maternal mortality rates, but reproductive rights advocates respond that the Dublin Declaration is junk science designed to preserve the world’s most restrictive abortion laws. Analyzing the strategy and impact of the Dublin Declaration brings to light one of the tactics used in anti-abortion organizing. PMID:28630540
Mehlan, K H
On March 9, 1972, the German Democratic Republic legalized abortion as one of the social and health policy measures with humanitarian goals to promote family life and improve living conditions. In evaluating the effect of the law, the development of fertility and frequency of abortion in Rostock District were studied for the years 1965 to 1973. In the first year after the new law went into effect, legal abortions increased about fivefold, which was expected; hospital abortions in 1973 decreased by about 40%. Compared to other Eastern European countries and to New York City, the frequency of abortion was still low. In the second year of the law, a further increase in abortions was not seen either in Rostock or the GDR as a whole. More women decided to continue their pregnancies; the number of women on oral contraceptives increased from about 1 million at the beginning of 1972 to about 1.2 million at the beginning of 1973. In 1972, for every 1000 women of reproductive age, there were 33 legal abortions in Rostock District; in the same period, for every 100 live births, there were 56 abortions.
This article empirically assesses whether age-restricted access to abortion and the birth control pill influence minors’ fertility in the United States. There is not a strong consensus in previous literature regarding the relationship between laws restricting minors’ access to abortion and minors’ birthrates. This is the first study to recognize that state laws in place prior to the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision enabled minors to legally consent to surgical treatment—including abortion—in some states but not in others, and to construct abortion access variables reflecting this. In this article, age-specific policy variables measure either a minor’s legal ability to obtain an abortion or to obtain the birth control pill without parental involvement. I find fairly strong evidence that young women’s birthrates dropped as a result of abortion access as well as evidence that birth control pill access led to a drop in birthrates among whites. PMID:19110899
Hajri, Selma; Raifman, Sarah; Gerdts, Caitlin; Baum, Sarah; Foster, Diana Greene
Barriers to accessing legal abortion services in Tunisia are increasing, despite a liberal abortion law, and women are often denied wanted legal abortion services. In this paper, we seek to explore the reasons for abortion denial and whether these reasons had a legal or medical basis. We also identify barriers women faced in accessing abortion and make recommendations for improved access to quality abortion care. We recruited women immediately after they had been turned away from legal abortion services at two facilities in Tunis, Tunisia. Thirteen women consented to participate in qualitative interviews two months after they were turned away from the facility. Women were denied abortion care on the day they were recruited due to three main reasons: gestational age, health conditions, and logistical barriers. Nine women ultimately terminated their pregnancies at another facility, and four women carried to term. None of the women attempted illegal abortion services or self-induction. Further research is needed in order to assess abortion denial from the perspective of providers and medical staff. PMID:26684189
In the late 1980s, the anti-abortion movement successfully sought injunctions against pregnancy counselling centres and students' unions in Ireland, preventing them from distributing information on how to obtain an abortion abroad. One of the defensive arguments that the students' unions employed was to claim that the distribution of abortion information was protected as an aspect of the free movement of services under European Community law. This paper addresses the implications of categorising abortion as a supranational economic service for feminist legal strategy. The advantages of categorising abortion as a service to which women have access as consumers are that it legitimates abortion and it provides a new strategy for making abortion claims. The disadvantages are that a woman's legal interest in abortion is based on her capacity to buy the service, fetal life is rendered devoid of value, and the service supplier has as much say about the abortion transaction as the woman consumer. If feminist legal strategy is to successfully use the legal construction of abortion as an economic service, it must work to minimise such negative implications.
Lim, Limin; Wong, Hungchew; Yong, Euleong; Singh, Kuldip
Teenage abortions predispose women to adverse pregnancy outcomes in subsequent pregnancies such as anemia, stillbirths, preterm deliveries and low birth weight babies. We aim to profile the women presenting for abortions in our institution and determine risk factors for late presentation for abortions. In this retrospective cohort study, all women who underwent an abortion at the National University Hospital, Singapore, from 2005 to 2009 were recruited. Data was obtained from a prepared questionnaire during the mandatory pre-abortion counseling sessions. Profiles of women aged <20 years were compared with those ≥ 20 years old using Chi-square test if the assumptions for Chi-square test were met; otherwise, Fisher's exact test was carried out. Logistic regression was used to investigate the risk factors for second trimester termination of pregnancy. 2109 women presented for induced abortions, of which 1998 had single abortion throughout the course of the study. The mean age of women with single abortion was 29.1 years (sd 7). In the group of women with single abortion, 182 (9.1%) were teenage abortions. In contrast to women ≥ 20 years of age, pregnant teenagers were more likely not to have used any contraception (51.1% vs. 25.2%) and more likely to present late for abortions (39.6% vs. 15.9%). Other risk factors for late presentation for abortions include Malay ethnicity, singlehood, nulliparity and lack of prior usage of contraception. Teenagers are more likely to have no prior contraceptive usage and to present late for abortions. Lack of proper sexual education and awareness of contraceptive measures may have a major contributory factor to such a trend in teenage abortions. Recommendations have been made in order to curb this societal problem. Copyright © 2011 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Pazol, Karen; Gamble, Sonya B; Parker, Wilda Y; Cook, Douglas A; Zane, Suzanne B; Hamdan, Saeed
Since 1969, CDC has conducted abortion surveillance to document the number and characteristics of women obtaining legal induced abortions in the United States. 2006. Each year, CDC requests abortion data from the central health agencies of 52 reporting areas (the 50 states, New York City, and the District of Columbia); these data are provided to CDC voluntarily. In 2006, data were received from 49 reporting areas. For the purpose of trend analysis, data were evaluated from the 46 areas that reported data every year during 1996-2006. For 2006, a total of 846,181 abortions were reported to CDC. Among the 46 areas that provided data consistently during 1996-2006, a total of 835,134 abortions (98.7% of the total) were reported; the abortion rate was 16.1 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44 years, and the abortion ratio was 236 abortions per 1,000 live births. During the previous decade (1997-2006), reported abortion numbers, rates, and ratios decreased 5.7%, 8.8%, and 14.8%, respectively; most of these declines occurred before 2001. During the previous year (2005-2006), the total number of abortions increased 3.1%, and the abortion rate increased 3.2%; the abortion ratio was stable. In 2006, as during the previous decade (1997-2006), women aged 20-29 years accounted for the majority (56.8%) of abortions and had the highest abortion rates (29.9 abortions per 1,000 women aged 20-24 years and 22.2 abortions per 1,000 women aged 25-29 years); by contrast, abortion ratios were highest at the extremes of reproductive age. Adolescents aged 15-19 years accounted for 16.5% of all abortions in 2006 and had an abortion rate of 14.8 abortions per 1,000 adolescents aged 15-19 years; women aged >or=35 years accounted for a smaller percentage (12.1%) of abortions and had lower abortion rates (7.8 abortions per 1,000 women aged 35-39 years and 2.6 abortions per 1,000 women aged >or=40 years). During 1997-2006, the percentage of abortions and the abortion rate increased among women
The field of abortion counseling originated in the abortion rights movement of the 1970s. During its evolution to the present day, it has faced significant challenges, primarily arising from the increasing politicization and stigmatization of abortion since legalization. Abortion counseling has been affected not only by the imposition of antiabortion statutes, but also by the changing needs of patients who have come of age in a very different era than when this occupation was first developed. One major innovation--head and heart counseling--departs in significant ways from previous conventions of the field and illustrates the complex and changing political meanings of abortion and therefore the challenges to abortion providers in the years following Roe v Wade.
Ogland, Curtis P; Verona, Ana Paula
This study examines the association between religion and attitudes toward the practice of abortion and abortion policy in Brazil. Drawing upon data from the 2002 Brazilian Social Research Survey (BSRS), we test a number of hypotheses with regard to the role of religion on opposition to the practice of abortion and its legalization. Findings indicate that frequently attending Pentecostals demonstrate the strongest opposition to the practice of abortion and both frequently attending Pentecostals and Catholics demonstrate the strongest opposition to its legalization. Additional religious factors, such as a commitment to biblical literalism, were also found to be significantly associated with opposition to both abortion issues. Ultimately, the findings have implications for the future of public policy on abortion and other contentious social issues in Brazil.
Hoctor, Leah; Lamačková, Adriana
Several Central and Eastern European countries have recently enacted retrogressive laws and policies introducing new preconditions that women must fulfill before they can obtain legal abortion services. Mandatory waiting periods and biased counseling and information requirements are particularly common examples of these new prerequisites. The present article considers these requirements in light of international human rights standards and public health guidelines, and outlines the manner in which, by imposing regressive barriers on women's access to legal abortion services, these new laws and policies undermine women's health and well-being, fail to respect women's human rights, and reinforce harmful gender stereotypes and abortion stigma. © 2017 International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics.
Marques Pereira, B
This work examines the ideology of the general interest as it is expressed in 2 opposing legislative proposals regarding abortion put forth in Belgium in the early 1980s. The Flemish Liberal proposal deposed in the Senate by Lucienne Herman-Michielsens represents a possible compromise for the Social Christians because it would retain the principle of penal prohibition of all abortions except those considered therapeutic, while the proposal deposed in the Chamber by Leona Detiege calls for decriminalization of voluntary abortions and recognition of the decision-making autonomy of the woman. Legislative reforms express more than agreements of ideologic and political forces; they manifest compromises, negotiations, confrontations, and even insults between social groups and classes. The discourse of general interest is often used to legitimize the demands of specific groups. Herman-Michielsens' proposal would permit abortion only if continuation of the pregnancy posed a grave threat to the life or health of the mother, and only in a hospital by a gynecologist aided by a committee consisting of gynecologists, a specially trained psychologist or psychiatrist, a social nurse, and a jurist. Modalities of control over the sexuality of women would thus be involved, with power exercised through refusal of the right to dispose of their own bodies to women, censure expressed by mandatory committees reviewing each case, and penal sanctions against abortions not deemed therapeutic. The argument in favor of penal sanctions invokes the general interest in the sense of the social order; use of the notion of abortion as an offense against the social order disguises the exercise of social control over sexuality. In the view of this proposal, the dissociation of sexuality and procreation constitutes a peril that must be fought with coercive measures. The proposal is based on an ideological conservatism characterized by a paternalistic attitude toward women and a view of freedom which
Reeves, Aaron; Billari, Francesco; McKee, Martin; Stuckler, David
Economic hardship accompanying large recessions can lead families to terminate unplanned pregnancies. To assess whether abortions have risen during the recession, we collected crude abortion data from 2000 to 2012 from Eurostat for countries that had legal abortions and complete data. Declining trends in abortion ratios between 2000 and 2009 have been reversing. Excess abortions between 2010 and 2012 totaled 10.6 abortions per 1000 pregnancies ending in abortion or birth or 6701 additional abortions (95% CI 1190–9240) with stronger effects in younger ages. Economic shocks may increase recourse to abortion. Further research should explore causal pathways and protective factors. PMID:27009038
Kalonda, J C Omba
The sexual violence's committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are from their scales and consequences on women, real public health, politico-legal, and socio-economical challenges. More than a million of women have been victims of sexual violence on a period of less than fifteen years. Systematic rapes of women were used as war weapon by different groups involved in the Congolese war. Sexual violence against women has impacted public health by spreading sexually transmissible diseases including HIV/AIDS, causing unwanted pregnancies, leading to the gynaecological complications of rape-related injuries, and inflicting psychological trauma on the victims. Despite high level of unwanted pregnancies observed, the Congolese law is very restrictive and interdict induced abortion. This paper presents three arguments which plead in favour of legalizing abortion in DRC: 1) a restrictive law on abortion forces women to use unsafe abortion and increase incidence of injuries and maternal mortality ; 2) DRC has ratified the universal Declaration of human rights, the African union charter, and has than to promote equality between sexes, in this is included women reproductive rights; 3) an unwanted birth is an additional financial charge for a woman, a factor increasing poverty and psychologically unacceptable in case of rape. From the politico-legal point of view, ending rape impunity and decriminalizing abortion are recommended. Decriminalizing abortion give women choice and save victims and pregnant women from risks related to the pregnancy, a childbirth, or an eventual unsafe abortion. These risks increase the maternal mortality already high in DRC (between 950 and 3000 for 100000 live births).
Three years in the making, the draft program of action of the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development sets nonbinding policy guidelines to contain the world's population at 7.27 billion in 2015. Although the Vatican was pleased to see Pakistan put forward a compromise formula developed to appease Catholic and Muslim objectors of abortion, the Church was unprepared to accept the compromise immediately and requested further discussion. The Vatican's rejection drew a strong chorus of vocal disapproval from other conference delegates. Even Iran accepted the draft as a "perfect text," while Sweden grudgingly accepted it as a "rock-bottom compromise." With no Catholic countries objecting to the compromise, the Vatican stood alone in its refusal to compromise with the rest of the world's leaders and peoples. Germany, speaking for the European Union, warned that enough concessions had already been made. The rationale for Vatican opposition was unclear since the section explicitly rejects abortion as a means of family planning and urges countries to minimize both the incidence of unsafe abortion and abortion overall by improving family planning. Prevention of unwanted pregnancies must be given highest priority and women should have ready access to compassionate counselling, with abortion never promoted as a means of family planning. Moreover, there is no longer a reference to sexual health education, a plea to governments to review their laws and policies on abortion, and a call to consider women's health rather than relying upon criminal codes and punitive measures. Participants said the Vatican objected to a phrase stating that abortions, where legal, should be safe, while the Church representative argued that any suggestion that abortion is safe contradicts church doctrine on the sanctity of life.
Shoesmith, Gary L.
This article disaggregates Donohue and Levitt’s (DL’s) national panel-data models to the state level and shows that high concentrations of teenage abortions in a handful of states drive all of DL’s results in their 2001, 2004, and 2008 articles on crime and abortion. These findings agree with previous research showing teenage motherhood is a major maternal crime factor, whereas unwanted pregnancy is an insignificant factor. Teenage abortions accounted for more than 30% of U.S. abortions in the 1970s, but only 16% to 18% since 2001, which suggests DL’s panel-data models of crime/arrests and abortion were outdated when published. The results point to a broad range of future research involving teenage behavior. A specific means is proposed to reconcile DL with previous articles finding no relationship between crime and abortion. PMID:28943645
Pacheco, Julianna; Kreitzer, Rebecca
The stability of abortion opinions suggests that pre-adult factors influence these attitudes more than contemporaneous political events. Surprisingly, however, we know little about the origins of abortion opinions, no doubt because the majority of research focuses on cross-sectional analyses of patterns across cohorts. We use a developmental model that links familial and contextual factors during adolescence to abortion attitudes years later when respondents are between 21 and 38 years old. Findings show that religious adherence and maternal gender role values are significant predictors of adult abortion opinions, even after controlling for contemporaneous religious adherence and the respondents’ own views on gender roles. Adolescent religious adherence matters more than religious denomination for adult abortion attitudes. The results have important implications for future trends in abortion attitudes in light of declining religiosity among Americans. PMID:27257307
Izugbara, Chimaraoke O; Egesa, Carolyne; Okelo, Rispah
Public health discourses on safe abortion assume the term to be unambiguous. However, qualitative evidence elicited from Kenyan women treated for complications of unsafe abortion contrasted sharply with public health views of abortion safety. For these women, safe abortion implied pregnancy termination procedures and services that concealed their abortions, shielded them from the law, were cheap and identified through dependable social networks. Participants contested the notion that poor quality abortion procedures and providers are inherently dangerous, asserting them as key to women's preservation of a good self, management of stigma, and protection of their reputation, respect, social relationships, and livelihoods. Greater public health attention to the social dimensions of abortion safety is urgent. Copyright © 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.
Carabali, Mabel; Austin, Nichole; King, Nicholas B; Kaufman, Jay S
Latin America presently has the world's highest burden of Zika virus, but there are unexplained differences in national rates of congenital malformations collectively referred to as Congenital Zika Syndrome (CZS) in the region. While Zika virulence and case detection likely contribute to these differences, policy-related factors, including access to abortion, may play important roles. Our goal was to assess perspectives on, and access to, abortion in Latin America in the context of the Zika epidemic. We conducted a scoping review of peer-reviewed and gray literature published between January 2015 and December 2016, written in English, Spanish, Portuguese, or French. We searched PubMed, Scielo, and Google Scholar for literature on Zika and/or CZS and abortion, and used automated and manual review methods to synthesize the existing information. 36 publications met our inclusion criteria, the majority of which were qualitative. Publications were generally in favor of increased access to safe abortion as a policy-level response for mitigating the impact of CZS, but issues with implementation were cited as the main challenge. Aside from the reform of abortion regulation in Colombia, we did not find evidence that the Zika epidemic had triggered shifts in abortion policy in other countries. Abortion policy in the region remained largely unchanged following the Zika epidemic. Further empirical research on abortion access and differential rates of CZS across Latin American countries is required.
Hunt, M E
A female Catholic theologian imagines a just society that does not judge women who decide to undergo an abortion. The Church, practitioners, and the courts must trust that women do make person-enhancing choices about the quality of life. In the last 15 years most progress in securing a woman's right to abortion has been limited to white, well-educated, and middle or upper middle class women. A just society would consider reproductive options a human right. Abortion providers are examples of a move to a just society; they are committed to women's well-being. There are some facts that make one pessimistic about achieving abortion in a just society. The US Supreme Court plans to review important decisions establishing abortion as a civil right. Further, some men insist on suing women who want to make their own reproductive decisions--an anti-choice tactic to wear away women's right to reproductive choice. Bombings of abortion clinics and harassment campaigns by anti-choice groups are common. These behaviors strain pro-choice proponents emotionally, psychically, and spiritually. Their tactics often lead to theologians practicing self-censorship because they fear backlash. Abortion providers also do this. Further, the reaction to AIDS is that sex is bad. Anti-abortion groups use AIDS to further their campaigns, claiming that AIDS is a punishment for sex. Strategies working towards abortion in a just society should be education and persuasion of policymakers and citizens about women's right to choose, since they are the ones most affected by abortion. Moreover, only women can secure their rights to abortion. In a just society, every health maintenance organization, insurance company, and group practice would consider abortion a normal service. A just society provides for the survival needs of the most marginalized.
Banerjee, Sushanta K; Andersen, Kathryn L; Warvadekar, Janardan; Pearson, Erin
Although abortion became legal in India in 1971, many women are unaware of the law. Behavior change communication interventions may be an effective way to promote awareness of the law and change knowledge of and perceptions about abortion, particularly in settings in which abortion is stigmatized. To evaluate the effectiveness of a behavior change communication intervention to improve women's knowledge about India's abortion law and their perceptions about abortion, a quasi-experimental study was conducted in intervention and comparison districts in Bihar and Jharkhand. Household surveys were administered at baseline in 2008 and at follow-up in 2010 to independent, randomly selected cross-sectional samples of rural married women aged 15-49. Logistic regression difference-in-differences models were used to assess program effectiveness. Analysis demonstrated program effectiveness in improving awareness and perceptions about abortion. The changes in the odds of knowing that abortion is legal and where to obtain safe abortion services were larger between baseline and follow-up in the intervention districts than the changes in odds observed in the comparison districts (odds ratios, 16.1 and 1.9, respectively). Similarly, the increase in women's perception of greater social support for abortion within their families and the increase in perceived self-efficacy with respect to family planning and abortion between baseline and follow-up was greater in the intervention districts than in the comparison districts (coefficients, 0.17 and 0.18, respectively). Behavior change communication interventions can be effective in improving knowledge of and perceptions about abortion in settings in which lack of accurate knowledge hinders women's access to safe abortion services. Multiple approaches should be used when attempting to improve knowledge and perceptions about stigmatized health issues such as abortion.
Wiebe, Ellen R; Sandhu, Supna
Whether Canadian physicians can refuse to refer women for abortion and whether private clinics can charge for abortions are matters of controversy. We sought to identify barriers to access for women seeking therapeutic abortion and to have them identify what they considered to be most important about access to abortion services. Women presenting for abortion over a two-month period at two free-standing abortion clinics, one publicly funded and the other private, were invited to participate in the study. Phase I of the study involved administration of a questionnaire seeking information about demographics, perceived barriers to access to abortion, and what the women wanted from abortion services. Phase II involved semi-structured interviews of a convenience sample of women to record their responses to questions about access. Responses from Phase I questionnaires were compared between the two clinics, and qualitative analysis was performed on the interview responses. Of 423 eligible women, 402 completed questionnaires, and of 45 women approached, 39 completed interviews satisfactorily. Women received information about abortion services from their physicians (60.0%), the Internet (14.8%), a telephone directory (7.8%), friends or family (5.3%), or other sources (12.3%). Many had negative experiences in gaining access. The most important issue regarding access was the long wait time; the second most important issue was difficulty in making appointments. In the private clinic, 85% of the women said they were willing to pay for shorter wait times, compared with 43.5% in the public clinic. Physicians who failed to refer patients for abortion or provide information about obtaining an abortion caused distress and impeded access for a significant minority of women requesting an abortion. Management of abortion services should be prioritized to reflect what women want: particularly decreased wait times for abortion and greater ease and convenience in booking appointments
Stotland, N L
US anti-abortion groups have used misinformation on the long-term psychological impact of induced abortion to advance their position. This article reviews the available research evidence on the definition, history, cultural context, and emotional and psychiatric sequelae of induced abortion. Notable has been a confusion of normative, transient reactions to unintended pregnancy and abortion (e.g., guilt, depression, anxiety) with serious mental disorders. Studies of the psychiatric aspects of abortion have been limited by methodological problems such as the impossibility of randomly assigning women to study and control groups, resistance to follow-up, and confounding variables. Among the factors that may impact on an unintended pregnancy and the decision to abort are ongoing or past psychiatric illness, poverty, social chaos, youth and immaturity, abandonment issues, ongoing domestic responsibilities, rape and incest, domestic violence, religion, and contraceptive failure. Among the risk factors for postabortion psychosocial difficulties are previous or concurrent psychiatric illness, coercion to abort, genetic or medical indications, lack of social supports, ambivalence, and increasing length of gestation. Overall, the literature indicates that serious psychiatric illness is at least 8 times more common among postpartum than among postabortion women. Abortion center staff should acknowledge that the termination of a pregnancy may be experienced as a loss even when it is a voluntary choice. Referrals should be offered to women who show great emotional distress, have had several previous abortions, or request psychiatric consultation.
Puri, Mahesh; Lamichhane, Prabhat; Harken, Tabetha; Blum, Maya; Harper, Cynthia C; Darney, Philip D; Henderson, Jillian T
Unsafe abortion has been a significant cause of maternal morbidity and mortality in Nepal. Since legalization in 2002, more than 1,200 providers have been trained and 487 sites have been certified for the provision of safe abortion services. Little is known about health care workers' views on abortion legalization, such as their perceptions of women seeking abortion and the implications of legalization for abortion-related health care. To complement a quantitative study of the health effects of abortion legalization in Nepal, we conducted 35 in-depth interviews with physicians, nurses, counsellors and hospital administrators involved in abortion care and post-abortion complication treatment services at four major government hospitals. Thematic analysis techniques were used to analyze the data. Overall, participants had positive views of abortion legalization - many believed the severity of abortion complications had declined, contributing to lower maternal mortality and morbidity in the country. A number of participants indicated that the proportion of women obtaining abortion services from approved health facilities was increasing; however, others noted an increase in the number of women using unregulated medicines for abortion, contributing to rising complications. Some providers held negative judgments about abortion patients, including their reasons for abortion. Unmarried women were subject to especially strong negative perceptions. A few of the health workers felt that the law change was encouraging unmarried sexual activity and carelessness around pregnancy prevention and abortion, and that repeat abortion was becoming a problem. Many providers believed that although patients were less fearful than before legalization, they remained hesitant to disclose a history of induced abortion for fear of judgment or mistreatment. Providers were generally positive about the implications of abortion legalization for the country and for women. A focus on family planning
Bettahar, K; Pinton, A; Boisramé, T; Cavillon, V; Wylomanski, S; Nisand, I; Hassoun, D
Updated clinical recommendations for medical induced abortion procedure. A systematic review of French and English literature, reviewing the evidence relating to the provision of medical induced abortion was carried out on PubMed, Cochrane Library and international scientific societies recommendations. The effectiveness of medical abortion is higher than 95% when the protocols are adjusted to gestational age (EL1). Misoprostol alone is less effective than a combination of mifepristone and misoprostol (EL1). Gemeprost is less effective than misoprostol (EL2). The dose of 200mg of mifepristone should be preferred to 600mg (NP1, Rank A). Mifepristone can be taken at home (professional agreement). The optimum interval between mifepristone and misoprostol intake should be 24 to 48 hours (EL1, grade A). Before 7 weeks LMP, the dose of 400μg misoprostol should be given orally (EL1, grade A) eventually repeated after 3hours if no bleeding occurs. For optimal effectiveness between 7 and 14 LMP, the interval between mifepristone and misoprostol should not be shortened to less than 8hours (grade 1). An interval of 24 to 48hours will not affect the effectiveness of the method provided misoprostol dosage is 800μg (EL1). Vaginal, sublingual or buccal routes of administration are more effective and better tolerated than the oral route, which should be abandoned (EL1). An amount of 800μg sublingual or buccal misoprostol route has the same effectiveness than the vaginal route but more gastrointestinal side effects (EL1, grade A). Between 7 and 9 LMP, it does not seem necessary to repeat misoprostol dose whereas it should be repeated beyond 9 SA (grade B). Between 9 and 14 LMP, the dose of 400μg misoprostol given either vaginally, buccally or sublingually should be repeated every 3hours if needed (with a maximum of 5 doses) (EL2, grade B). There is no strong evidence supporting routine antibiotic prophylaxis for medical abortion (professional agreement). Rare contraindications
Curtin, L L
Management of abortion personnel within a hospital setting involves a number of rights: the patient's rights to privacy and to the provision of competent, compassionate, and understanding nursing care; the right of nurses to refrain from abortion procedures due to conscience; and the right of hospitals to hire employees who will fulfill their contractual obligations. The US Supreme Court has held that the decision to abort is protected under the right to privacy; no one may interfere with a woman's decision. Public institutions do not have an obligation to fund abortion. If the Court had made abortion a right, then society would be obliged to provide abortion. The discussion of abortion rights focuses on the following topics: the legal duties of health professionals, the legal and moral rights and obligations of nurses, the legal rights and obligations of hospitals, and the rights of abortion patients. A case study is provided of a head nurse and staff in the gynecology ward of a large metropolitan hospital in 1974 who objected to the performance of saline abortion on the ward, to disposing of the fetuses, and to the validity of patients' consent. Their concern was for the health and safety of patients and the rights of patients to informed consent. The hospital did not have a right to force the nurses to comply with the directive on saline abortion procedures, because the hospital did not have the right to violate the conscience of an individual citizen. In another example of a transfer of a nurse to another area of the hospital, the hospital was exercising its prerogative to expect fulfillment of contractual obligations in a way that did not interfere with health care workers' objections to abortion. Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton were the 2 cases that established the existence of institutional conscience. Health care workers have an obligation to inform hospitals in writing if they have objections to participation in abortion procedures. Nurses have an obligation
Nyong'o, D; Oodit, G
Despite a contraceptive prevalence rate of 75% Mauritius has a high incidence of unsafe abortions because of unprotected intercourse experienced by many young women in a rapidly industrializing environment. The Mauritius Family Planning Association (MFPA) tackled the issue of unsafe abortion in 1993. Abortion is illegal in the country, and the Catholic Church also strongly opposes modern family planning methods, thus the use of withdrawal and/or calendar methods have been increasing. The MFPA organized an advocacy symposium in 1993 on unsafe abortion with the result of revealing the pressure the Church was exerting relative to abortion and contraceptives. The advocacy campaign of the MFPA consists of having abortion legalized on health grounds and improving family planning services, especially for young unmarried women and men. The full support of the media was secured on the abortion issue: articles appeared, meetings were attended by the press, and public relations support was also received from them. The MFPA worked closely with parliamentarians. A motion was tabled in 1994 in the National Assembly which called for legalization of abortion on health grounds, but the Church squelched its debate. In March 1994 MFPA hosted the IPPF African Regional Conference on Unsafe Abortion in Mauritius with the participation of over 100 representatives from 20 countries, and subsequently a second motion was tabled without parliamentary debate. The deliberations were covered by the media and the Ministry of Women's Rights recognized abortion as an urgent issue as outlined in a white paper prepared for the Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The campaign changed the policy climate favorably making the public more conscious of unsafe abortion. The Ministry of Health decided to collect more data and the newly elected government seems to be more open about this issue.
Rominski, Sarah D; Lori, Jody R; Morhe, Emmanuel Sk
Even given the liberal abortion law in Ghana, abortion complications are a large contributor to maternal morbidity and mortality. This study sought to understand why young women seeking an abortion in a legally enabling environment chose to do this outside the formal healthcare system. Women being treated for complications arising from a self-induced abortion as well as for elective abortions at three hospitals in Ghana were interviewed. Community-based focus groups were held with women as well as men, separately. Interviews and focus group discussions were conducted until saturation was reached. A total of 18 women seeking care for complications from a self-induced abortion and 11 seeking care for an elective abortion interviewed. The women ranged in age from 13 to 35 years. There were eight focus groups; two with men and six with women. The reasons women self-induce are: (1) abortion is illegal; (2) attitudes of the healthcare workers; (3) keeping the pregnancy a secret; and (4) social network influence. The meta-theme of normalisation of self-inducing' an abortion was identified. When women are faced with an unplanned and unwanted pregnancy, they consult individuals in their social network whom they know have dealt with a similar situation. Misoprostol is widely available in Ghanaian cities and is successful at inducing an abortion for many women. In this way, self-inducing abortions using medication procured from pharmacists and chemical sellers has become normalised for women in Kumasi, Ghana. © Faculty of Sexual and Reproductive Healthcare of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (unless otherwise stated in the text of the article) 2017. All rights reserved. No commercial use is permitted unless otherwise expressly granted.
Marlow, Heather M; Wamugi, Sylvia; Yegon, Erick; Fetters, Tamara; Wanaswa, Leah; Msipa-Ndebele, Sinikiwe
Unsafe abortion in Kenya is a leading cause of maternal morbidity and mortality. In October 2012, we sought to understand the methods married women aged 24-49 and young, unmarried women aged ≤ 20 used to induce abortion, the providers they utilized and the social, economic and cultural norms that influenced women's access to safe abortion services in Bungoma and Trans Nzoia counties in western Kenya. We conducted five focus groups with young women and five with married women in rural and urban communities in each county. We trained local facilitators to conduct the focus groups in Swahili or English. All focus groups were audiotaped, transcribed, translated, computerized, and coded for analysis. Abortion outside public health facilities was mentioned frequently. Because of the need for secrecy to avoid condemnation, uncertainty about the law, and perceived higher cost of safer abortion methods, women sought unsafe abortions from community midwives, drug sellers and/or untrained providers at lower cost. Many groups believed that abortion was safer at higher gestational ages, but that there was no such thing as a safe abortion method. Our aim was to inform the design of a community-based intervention on safe abortion for women. Barriers to seeking safe services such as high cost, perceived illegality, and fear of insults and abuse at public facilities among both age groups must be addressed. Copyright © 2014 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Harris, Lisa Hope; Debbink, Michelle; Martin, Lisa; Hassinger, Jane
Abortion is highly stigmatized in the United States. The consequences of stigma for abortion providers are not well understood, nor are there published accounts of tools to assess or alleviate its burdens. We designed The Providers Share Workshop to address this gap. Providers Share is a six-session workshop in which abortion providers meet to discuss their experiences, guided by an experienced facilitator. Seventeen workers at one US abortion clinic participated in a pilot workshop. Sessions were recorded and transcribed, and an iterative process was used to identify major themes. Participants highlighted stigma, located in cultural discourse, law, politics, communities, institutions (including the abortion clinic itself), and relationships with family, friends and patients. All faced decisions about disclosure of abortion work. Some chose silence, fearing judgment and violence, while others chose disclosure to maintain psychological consistency and be a resource to others. Either approach led to painful interpersonal disconnections. Speaking in the safe space of the Workshop fostered interpersonal connections, and appeared to serve as an effective stigma management tool. Participants reflected favorably upon the experience. We conclude that the Providers Share Workshop may alleviate some of the burdens of abortion stigma, and may be an important intervention in abortion human resources. We present a conceptual model of the dynamics of stigma in abortion work. Copyright © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Tlougan, Brook E; Gonzalez, Mercedes E; Orlow, Seth J
A six-week-old girl presented with a segmental, focally atrophic, vascular patch in the diaper area, present since birth. It had undergone minimal proliferation, but had ulcerated. Evaluation to rule out LUMBAR (Lower body hemangioma/Lipoma or other cutaneous anomalies, Urogenital anomalies, Myelopathy, Bony deformities, Anorectal/Arterial anomalies, and Renal anomalies) syndrome, which included ultrasound and Doppler examination of the abdomen, spine, and pelvis, was negative. We report a unique case of an ulcerated, segmental abortive hemangioma of the anogenital area with excellent clinical response to topical timolol gel.
A state of the art of surgical method of abortion focusing on safety and practical aspects. A systematic review of French-speaking or English-speaking evidence-based literature about surgical methods of abortion was performed using Pubmed, Cochrane and international recommendations. Surgical abortion is efficient and safe regardless of gestational age, even before 7 weeks gestation (EL2). A systematic prophylactic antibiotics should be preferred to a targeted antibiotic prophylaxis (grade A). In women under 25 years, doxycycline is preferred (grade C) due to the high prevalence of Chlamydia trachomatis. Systematic cervical preparation is recommended for reducing the incidence of complications from vacuum aspiration (grade A). Misoprostol is a first-line agent (grade A). When misoprostol is used before a vacuum aspiration, a dose of 400 mcg is recommended. The choice of vaginal route or sublingual administration should be left to the woman: (i) the vaginal route 3 hours before the procedure has a good efficiency/safety ratio (grade A); (ii) the sublingual administration 1 to 3 hours before the procedure has a higher efficiency (EL1). The patient should be warned of more common gastrointestinal side effects. The addition of mifepristone 200mg 24 to 48hours before the procedure is interesting for pregnancies between 12 and 14 weeks gestations (EL2). The systematic use of nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs is recommended for limiting the operative and postoperative pain (grade B). Routine vaginal application of an antiseptic prior to the procedure cannot be recommended (grade B). The type of anesthesia (general or local) should be left up to the woman after explanation of the benefit-risk ratio (grade B). Paracervical local anesthesia (PLA) is recommended before performing a vacuum aspiration under local anesthesia (grade A). The electric or manual vacuum methods are very effective, safe and acceptable to women (grade A). Before 9 weeks gestation
Gross, Michael L
Abortion, particularly later-term abortion, and neonaticide, selective non-treatment of newborns, are feasible management strategies for fetuses or newborns diagnosed with severe abnormalities. However, policy varies considerably among developed nations. This article examines abortion and neonatal policy in four nations: Israel, the US, the UK and Denmark. In Israel, late-term abortion is permitted while non-treatment of newborns is prohibited. In the US, on the other hand, later-term abortion is severely restricted, while treatment to newborns may be withdrawn. Policy in the UK and Denmark bridges some of these gaps with liberal abortion and neonatal policy. Disparate policy within and between nations creates practical and ethical difficulties. Practice diverges from policy as many practitioners find it difficult to adhere to official policy. Ethically, it is difficult to entirely justify perinatal policy in these nations. In each nation, there are elements of ethically sound policy, while other aspects cannot be defended. Ethical policy hinges on two underlying normative issues: the question of fetal/newborn status and the morality of killing and letting die. While each issue has been the subject of extensive debate, there are firm ethical norms that should serve as the basis for coherent and consistent perinatal policy. These include 1) a grant of full moral and legal status to the newborn but only partial moral and legal status to the late-term fetus 2) a general prohibition against feticide unless to save the life of the mother or prevent the birth of a fetus facing certain death or severe pain or suffering and 3) a general endorsement of neonaticide subject to a parent's assessment of the newborn's interest broadly defined to consider physical harm as well as social, psychological and or financial harm to related third parties. Policies in each of the nations surveyed diverging from these norms should be the subject of public discourse and, where possible
Korejo, Razia; Noorani, Khurshid Jehan; Bhutta, Shereen
To determine the frequency of induced abortion and identify the role of sociocultural factors contributing to termination of pregnancy and associated morbidity and mortality in hospital setting. Prospective observational study. The study was conducted in the Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre, Karachi from January 1999 to June 2001. The patients who were admitted for induced abortion were interviewed in privacy. On condition of anonymity they were asked about the age, parity, family setup and relationships, with particular emphasis on sociocultural reasons and factors contributing to induction of abortion. Details of status of abortionist and methods used for termination of pregnancy, the resulting complications and their severity were recorded. Out of total admissions, 57(2.35%) gave history of induced abortion. All women belonged to low socioeconomic class and 59.6% of them were illiterate. Forty-three (75.5%) of these women had never practiced contraception. Twenty-four (42%) were grandmultiparae and did not want more children. In 29 women (50.9%) the decision for abortion had been supported by the husband. In 25 women (43.8%) abortion was carried out by Daiyan (traditional midwives). Serious complications like uterine perforation with or without bowel injury were encountered in 25 (43.8%) of these women. During the study period illegally induced abortion accounted for 6 (10.5%) maternal deaths. Prevalence of poverty, illiteracy, grand multiparity and non-practice of contraception are strong determinants of induced abortion.
Christians have so far failed to show why abortion is an affront to Christian convictions. Rather than arguing when life begins, Christians must show that Christianity as a way of life which recognizes God as Lord of life makes abortion unthinkable.
Cartwright, Alice F; Karunaratne, Mihiri; Barr-Walker, Jill; Johns, Nicole E; Upadhyay, Ushma D
Abortion is a common medical procedure, yet its availability has become more limited across the United States over the past decade. Women who do not know where to go for abortion care may use the internet to find abortion facility information, and there appears to be more online searches for abortion in states with more restrictive abortion laws. While previous studies have examined the distances women must travel to reach an abortion provider, to our knowledge no studies have used a systematic online search to document the geographic locations and services of abortion facilities. The objective of our study was to describe abortion facilities and services available in the United States from the perspective of a potential patient searching online and to identify US cities where people must travel the farthest to obtain abortion care. In early 2017, we conducted a systematic online search for abortion facilities in every state and the largest cities in each state. We recorded facility locations, types of abortion services available, and facility gestational limits. We then summarized the frequencies by region and state. If the online information was incomplete or unclear, we called the facility using a mystery shopper method, which simulates the perspective of patients calling for services. We also calculated distance to the closest abortion facility from all US cities with populations of 50,000 or more. We identified 780 facilities through our online search, with the fewest in the Midwest and South. Over 30% (236/780, 30.3%) of all facilities advertised the provision of medication abortion services only; this proportion was close to 40% in the Northeast (89/233, 38.2%) and West (104/262, 39.7%). The lowest gestational limit at which services were provided was 12 weeks in Wyoming; the highest was 28 weeks in New Mexico. People in 27 US cities must travel over 100 miles (160 km) to reach an abortion facility; the state with the largest