Sample records for oapec

  1. Organization of the Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries: objectives and potential

    DOE Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI.GOV)

    El Mallakh, R.

    1977-01-01

    Established in 1968 by Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Libya, the Organization of the Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) was preoccupied in its early years with efforts to increase its membership. Headquartered in Kuwait, OAPEC now also includes Algeria, Egypt, Syria, Qatar, Bahrain, Iraq, and the United Arab Emirates; only the Arab oil-exporting states of Tunisia and Oman remain outside the body. The timing of OAPEC's creation heavily influenced its direction and goals. In the wake of the June 1967 Middle East conflict, the Arab oil states individually reacted in diverse degrees through production slowdowns, stoppages, and ad hoc boycotts singularlymore » marked by lack of coordination and success. The trends then underway toward expanding participation of producer governments and rising pressure for higher prices had not gathered the sweeping momentum evident by the opening of the 1970s. The initial impulse in fashioning the body was two-pronged: (a) to reduce the disarray in Arab policies through a formalized or institutionalized level of coordination, and (b) to provide a means of channeling ''crisis aid'' to Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. The prime goals of OAPEC have centered upon (1) promotion of coordination of petroleum policies with special emphasis on development; (2) promotion of exchange of information and coordination in training programs and research; and (3) actual establishment and operation of joint ventures in the field of hydrocarbons on a commercial scale, entailing formation of independent companies in which shares are held by member states. The importance of OAPEC to the U.S. and other members of OECD lies in the increasing level and direction of trade and economic interdependence between the two groups. 12 footnotes, 7 tables.« less

  2. The oil policies of the Gulf Arab Nations

    DOE Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI.GOV)

    Ripple, R.D.; Hagen, R.E.

    1995-03-01

    At its heart, Arab oil policy is inseparable from Arab economic and social policy. This holds whether we are talking about the Arab nations as a group or each separately. The seven Arab nations covered in this report-Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates--participate in several organizations focusing on regional cooperation regarding economic development, social programs, and Islamic unity, as well as organizations concerned with oil policies. This report focuses on the oil-related activities of the countries that may reveal the de facto oil policies of the seven Persian Gulf nations. Nevertheless it should bemore » kept in mind that the decision makers participating in the oil policy organizations are also involved with the collaborative efforts of these other organizations. Oil policies of five of the seven Arab nations are expressed within the forums of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC). Only Oman, among the seven, is not a member of either OAPEC or OPEC; Bahrain is a member of OAPEC but not of OPEC. OPEC and OAPEC provide forums for compromise and cooperation among their members. Nevertheless, each member state maintains its own sovereignty and follows its own policies. Each country deviates from the group prescription from time to time, depending upon individual circumstances.« less

  3. Learning to live with OPEC oil: the Arab view

    DOE Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI.GOV)

    Not Available

    1983-01-01

    Either OPEC or a similar Middle East organizaiton will recapture the dominant role in oil market as non-OPEC oil sources are depleted. An interview with Ali Ahmed Attiga of the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) suggests the possibility of another embargo, but emphasizes the common bond that both oil-importing and oil-exporting countries have if they become over-dependent on oil. Attiga points out that OAPEC will produce 40% of the energy consumed at the end of 10 years. He credits the 1973 embargo with reminding the US of its vital interest in the Arab world, but admits it didmore » not accomplish the withdrawal of Israel from occupied territory. In response to other questions Attiga doubts other producers will join OPEC, explains OPEC pricing and production policies, and describes its development programs. 1 figure.« less

  4. OAPEC: Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries

    DOE Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI.GOV)

    Maachou, A.

    1983-01-01

    The organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries plays an important role in furthering the aims of the New International Economic Order. Here, Abdelkader Maachou outlines its structure and its part in furthering the aims of its member countries. The study focuses on the newly created judicial branch and on the economic activities of this important Arab organization. Its contribution to the general intellectual climate of the area is also discussed.

  5. Arab oil and gas directory 1985

    DOE Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI.GOV)

    Not Available

    1985-01-01

    The directory provides detailed statistics and information on aspects of oil and gas production, exploration and developments in the 24 Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa and in Iran. It includes the texts of relevant new laws and official documents, official surveys, current projects and developments, up-to-date statistics covering OPEC and OAPEC member countries, and has 26 maps.

  6. Oil, turmoil, and Islam in the Middle East

    DOE Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI.GOV)

    Sheikh, A.R.

    1986-01-01

    The turmoil and strife of the Middle East raises serious questions about the security of the world's oil supply. The author argues that OPEC and OAPEC can no longer afford to impose indiscriminate price increases on the marketplace because they hurt not only themselves but oil poor Third World nations as well. The author analyzes the importance of Middle Eastern oil in world politics. He emphasizes that any consideration of the forces influencing development in the Middle East should take Islamic tradition into account. Each chapter is organized around a current Middle Eastern problem: oil politics in relation to internationalmore » energy needs; the ramifications of the new oil wealth and power of the Middle East; The Iran-Iraq War; Muslim insurgency in Afghanistan; The Arab-Israel conflict; turmoil in Lebanon; Palestinian nationalism; and the Middle East as a superpower.« less

  7. Pressure deflected: Japan and the 1973 Arab oil embargo

    DOE Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI.GOV)

    Burridge, J.M.

    1988-01-01

    Japanese policy toward the Arab states for the five years before the embargo are compared with the five years that followed. Significant events from October 1973 through the February 1974 Washington Conference are described on a virtually daily basis. The study concludes that the late 1973 oil-supply reduction did not result in significantly greater Japanese political support or economic assistance in the 1974-1978 period. Japan did not even carry the only specific commitment in the November 22 statement - that it would reconsider relations with Israel if that country didn't withdraw from the occupied Arab territories. Many factors contributed tomore » this failure - American counter-pressure, Arab disunity, and a worldwide drop in oil demand. In terms of political demands, neither OAPEC nor any individual Arab state ever articulated any specific actions Japan was to take. Finally, the supply of oil was rapidly depoliticized after 1974.« less

  8. Oil dependence and Thai foreign-policy behavior during the Arab-Israeli war of October 1973

    DOE Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI.GOV)

    Keophumihae, S.

    1985-01-01

    The purpose of this study is to explain Thai foreign-policy behavior toward the Arab-Israeli conflict during the Arab oil embargo of 1973-1974 in the wake of the October 1973 War. The major hypothesis is that Thai foreign policy behavior shifted from a neutral to a pro-Arab position after the Arab oil embargo. This shift was motivated by Thai oil-import dependence on OAPEC (Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries). Oil has assumed an economic as well as a political dimension. Therefore, its political influence over the oil-dependent states cannot be dismissed. Thai foreign-policy behavior in the Arab-Israeli conflict is analyzed throughmore » the use of the dependence approach, which contends that external reliance is a potent factor for explaining behavior of actors. Thailand's foreign-policy stand is first delineated through the use of documents containing policy statements by Thai delegates to the United Nations. It was found that although Thai public policy statements were never bluntly anti-Israel, they moved from between neutrality before the oil crisis to a pro-Arab position after the oil crisis of 1973-1974. This shift of Thailand's foreign policy behavior position was then measured against its UN voting records. Results of the voting analysis indicated that the shifting of Thai foreign policy behavior during the October war was motivated by Thailand's oil-import dependence.« less